Semi-Pelagianism involved doctrines, upheld during the period from 427 to 529, that rejected the extreme views both of Pelagius and of Augustine in regards to the priority of divine grace and human will in the initial work of salvation . 半佩拉纠学派所涉及的理论，坚持期间，从427到529 ，即拒绝了极端的意见，双方伯拉纠和奥古斯丁在问候的优先次序神圣的恩典和人的意志在初步工作的救赎 。 The label "Semi - Pelagian," however, is a relatively modern expression, which apparently appeared first in the Lutheran Formula of Concord (1577), and became associated with the theology of the Jesuit Luis Molina (1535 - 1600).标签“半-p elagian， ”不过，这是一个比较现代的表达，这显然出现了，首先在信义公式康科德（ 1 577） ，并成为与神学的耶稣会路易斯莫利纳（ 1 535- 16 00）。 The term, nevertheless, was not a happy choice, because the so-called Semi - Pelagians wanted to be anything but half - Pelagians.任期，不过，是不是有一个愉快的选择，因为所谓的半-p elagians想成为什么，但有一半- pe lagians。 It would be more correct to call them Semi - Augustinians who, while rejecting the doctrines of Pelagius and respecting Augustine, were not willing to follow the ultimate consequences of his theology.它会更正确的称他们为半-奥古斯丁会士谁，而拒绝理论的伯拉纠和尊重奥古斯丁，不是愿意跟随，最终的后果，他的神学。
Church councils condemned Pelagianism in 418 and again in 431, but this rejection did not mean the acceptance of everything in the Augustinian system. Augustine's teaching on grace may be summarized as follows: Humanity shared in Adam's sin and therefore has become a massa damnationis from which no one can be extricated save by a special gift of divine grace that cannot be merited; yet God in his inscrutable wisdom chooses some to be saved and grants graces that will infallibly but freely lead them to salvation. 教会议会谴责佩拉纠学派在418和再次在431 ，但这种排斥反应，并不意味着接受一切，在奥古斯丁的制度。奥古斯丁的教学上的宽限期，可归纳如下：人类共同在亚当的单仲偕，因此已成为马萨damnationis从哪个没有人可以摆脱保存由一个特别的礼物神圣的恩典，不能值得;但在神面前，在他的inscrutable的智慧，选择一些以保存和赠款的青睐，将infallibly ，但自由带领他们得救。 The number of the elect is set and can be neither increased nor decreased.人数的选举是一套可以既不增加也不减少。 Nevertheless, Vitalis of Carthage and a community of monks at Hadrumetum, Africa (c. 427), contested these principles, asserting that they destroyed freedom of the will and all moral responsibility.不过， vitalis的迦太基和社区的僧侣在哈德鲁梅，非洲（长427 ） ，有争议的这些原则，声称他们摧毁了自由的意志和所有道义上的责任。 They, in turn, affirmed that the unaided will performed the initial act of faith.它们反过来会，明确表示，外援的表现将最初行为的信仰。 In response Augustine produced Grace and Free Will and Rebuke and Grace, which contain a resume of his arguments against the Semi - Pelagians, and stress the necessary preparation of the will by prevenient grace.在回应奥古斯丁产生的恩典和自由意志和训斥和宽限期，其中包含一恢复他的论据，反对半-p elagians，并强调有必要编写该会由p revenient的宽限期。
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After Augustine's death, the controversy became more heated; and Prosper of Aquitaine became his champion, replying to the Gallic monks, including Vincent of Lerins.之后，奥古斯丁的死，争论变得更加激烈;繁荣的阿基坦成了他的冠军，在回答有关中没食子的僧人，包括郑海泉的lerins 。 Vincent incorrectly understood Augustine's doctrines of perseverance and predestination to mean that God's elect cannot sin.郑海泉不正确的理解奥古斯丁的学说的毅力和predestination指上帝的选举，不能单。 Nevertheless, he was not entirely wrong in recognizing the practical dangers inherent in Augustine's teaching on grace, and that this teaching deviated from Catholic tradition.不过，他并不完全错误的认识，在实际固有的危险，在奥古斯丁的教学上的恩典，并认为这背离了教学的天主教会传统。
Prosper appealed to Rome on behalf of his master, and though Celestine I praised Augustine, he gave no specific approval to the bishop's teachings on grace and predestination.繁荣呼吁罗马代表他的师父，虽然天青石i称赞奥古斯丁，他给了没有具体的批准，新辅理主教的教诲，对宽限期和predestination 。 Hence, Semi - Pelagian beliefs continued to circulate in Gaul with Faustus of Riez as the outstanding spokesman.因此，半-p elagian信念，继续分发在高卢与浮士德的r iez作为杰出的发言人。 He condemned the heresy of Pelagianism, teaching instead that natural powers were not sufficient to attain salvation.他谴责邪教的佩拉纠学派，教学，而是自然的权力，不足以达到救赎。 The free will, while not extinct, was weak and could not be exercised for salvation without the aid of grace.的自由意志，而不是灭绝，是薄弱和不能行使救国没有援助的宽限期。 Faustus, however, rejected the predestinarian conception of a divine monergism and taught that human will, by virtue of the freedom left in it, takes the beginning step toward God.浮士德，不过，拒绝了predestinarian观神monergism ，并告诉我们，人的意志，凭借自由，留在这，需开始一步上帝。 Salvation, therefore, is accomplished by the cooperation of human and divine factors, and predestination is merely God's foreknowledge of what a person has freely decided.救国，因此，这是所完成的合作，人权和神圣的因素， predestination只不过是上帝的foreknowledge什么样的一个人有自由决定。 Grace, to Faustus, meant the divine illumination of human will, and not, as it did to Augustine, the regenerative power of grace in the heart.宽限期，到浮士德，这意味着神光照人的意志，而不是，因为它所做的奥古斯丁，再生能力的宽限期，在心脏。
The debate about Semi - Pelagianism continued well into the sixth century, when Caesarius of Arles convened the Synod of Orange (529).辩论约半-佩拉纠学派持续到六世纪，当c aesarius的阿尔勒召开的主教会议的橙（ 5 29） 。 Here Caesarius succeeded in dogmatizing a number of principles against the Semi - Pelagians.在这里caesarius成功地dogmatizing的一些原则对半-p elagians。 In doing so, however, the synod did not accept Augustine's full doctrine of grace, especially not his concept of divine grace that works irresistibly in the predestinated.这样做，不过，主教不接受奥古斯丁的全部学说的宽限期，尤其是不是他的概念，神圣的恩典工程势不可挡，在predestinated 。 In 531, Boniface II approved the acts of this council, thus giving it ecumenical authority.在531 ，博尼法斯二世批准的行为，本局，从而使它合一管理局。 Semi - Pelagianism, as a historical movement, subsequently declined, but the pivotal issue of Semi - Pelagianism, the priority of the human will over the grace of God in the initial work of salvation, did not die out.半-佩拉纠学派，作为一个历史运动，随后下降，但关键的问题，半-佩拉纠学派，优先次序，人类将超过上帝的恩典在最初的工作救恩，没有死。
R Kyle
r凯尔
(Elwell
Evangelical Dictionary) （ elwell福音事工促进会，字典）
Bibliography
参考书目
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Prosper of Aquitanine: Defense of St. Augustine; NK Chadwick, Poetry and Letters
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Duchesne, l'Eglise au VI siecle p deletter ，繁荣的aquitanine ：防御圣奥古斯丁;
NK细胞查德威克，诗歌和信件，在早期基督教高卢电子商务阿曼， “半-p elagiens， ”接受存款公司，第十四届， 1 796- 18 50;升d u
chesne的L ' eg lise凹六世纪末
A doctrine of grace advocated by monks of Southern Gaul at and around Marseilles after 428. 1学说的宽限期，所主张的僧侣南部高卢在靠近马赛后， 428 。 It aimed at a compromise between the two extremes of Pelagianism and Augustinism, and was condemned as heresy at the Œcumenical Council of Orange in 529 after disputes extending over more than a hundred years.它的目的是一种妥协这两个极端之间的佩拉纠学派和augustinism ，并谴责为异端在œcumenical会橙在529后的纠纷延长超过1百年。 The name Semipelagianism was unknown both in Christian antiquity and throughout the Middle Ages; during these periods it was customary to designate the views of the Massilians simply as the "relics of the Pelagians" (reliquiœ Pelagianorum), an expression found already in St. Augustine (Ep. ccxxv, n. 7, in PL, XXXIII, 1006).名称semipelagianism是未知无论是在基督教的古代和整个中世纪;在这些期间内，它是习惯指定的意见，该massilians仅仅作为“文物的pelagians ” （ reliquiœ pelagianorum ） ， 1表达，发现已经在圣奥古斯丁（ ep. ccxxv ， 12月31日7 ，在临时立法会，三十三， 1006年） 。 The most recent investigations show that the word was coined between 1590 and 1600 in connexion with Molina's doctrine of grace, in which the opponents of this theologian believed they saw a close resemblance to the heresy of the monks of Marseilles (cf. "Revue des sciences phios. et théol.", 1907, pp. 506 sqq.).最近期的调查显示，这个词是杜撰之间的1590和1600年在Connexion公司与莫利纳的教义的宽限期，在这对手的这个神学家认为，他们看到一个紧密的相似性，以邪教的僧人的马赛（参见“科学杂志万phios 。 théol等。 “ ， 1907年，第506 sqq ） 。 After this confusion had been exposed as an error, the term Semipelagianism was retained in learned circles as an apt designation for the early heresy only.之后，这种混乱已经暴露了作为一个错误，任期semipelagianism被保留在各界据悉，作为亚太指定为早日异端只。
I. ORIGIN OF SEMIPELAGIANISM (AD 420-30)一，原产地semipelagianism （广告420-30 ）
In opposition to Pelagianism, it was maintained at the General Council of Carthage in 418 as a principle of faith that Christian grace is absolutely necessary for the correct knowledge and performance of good, and that perfect sinlessness is impossible on earth even for the justified.在反对佩拉纠学派，这是维持在总理事会迦太基在418作为一个原则，信仰基督教的宽限期，是绝对必要的正确的知识和良好的表现，以及完善的清白是不可能的地球上，甚至为合理。 Since these declarations coincided only with a portion of St. Augustine's doctrine of grace, the anti-Pelagians could without reproof continue their opposition to other points in the teaching of the African Doctor.由于这些声明不谋而合，只有一部份圣奥古斯丁的教义的宽限期，反pelagians可能没有谴责继续他们反对其他各点在教学非洲的医生。 This opposition Augustine was soon to encounter in his immediate neighbourhood.这种反对立场的奥古斯丁是即将遇到的他立即邻里。 In 420 he found himself compelled to direct to a certain Vitalis of Carthage, who was an opponent of Pelagius and recognized the Synod of Carthage (418), paternal instructions concerning the necessity of grace at the very beginning of the assent of the will in faith and concerning the absolute gratuity of grace (Ep. ccxvii in PL, XXXIII, 978 sqq.).在420 ，他发现自己被迫直接向某vitalis的迦太基，谁是对手的伯拉纠和公认的主教会议的迦太基（ 418 ） ，父亲的指示，关于必要性的宽限期，在开始的赞同该会的信仰和关于绝对的约满酬金的宽限期（ ep. ccxvii在临时立法会，三十三， 978 sqq ） 。 As is clear from the tenor of this writing, Vitalis was of the opinion that the beginning of faith springs from the free will of nature, and that the essence of "prevenient grace" consists in the preaching of the Christian doctrine of salvation.由于是明确的从男高音在写本， vitalis他认为一开始的信仰源于自由意志的性质，并认为本质“ prevenient宽限期”组成，在宣扬基督教教义的救恩。 On the basis of such faith man, as Vitalis held, attains justification before God.在此基础上，例如信仰的男子，作为vitalis举行的，取得的理由，在上帝面前。 This view was entirely "Semipelagian".这种看法是完全“ semipelagian ” 。 To controvert it, Augustine pointed out that the grace preceding faith must be an interior enlightenment and strengthening, and that the preaching of the Word of God could not, unassisted, accomplish this; consequently the implanting of grace in the soul by God is necessary as a preliminary condition for the production of real faith, since otherwise the customary prayer of the Church for the grace of conversion for unbelievers would be superfluous.以controvert ，奥古斯丁指出，宽限期前的信仰必须是一个内部的启示和加强，并认为，宣扬上帝的话，无法unassisted ，完成这项工作;因此，植入的宽限期，在灵魂由上帝是必要的初步条件，生产真正的信仰，否则，习惯的祷告，为教会的恩典，转换为unbelievers将多余的。 Augustine also introduces his view of an absolute predestination of the elect, without however especially emphasizing it, by remarking: "Cum tam multi salvi non fiant, non quia ipsi, sed quia Deus non vult" (Since so many are not saved, not because they themselves do not will it, but because God does not will it).奥古斯丁还介绍了他的看法绝对predestination的选举，但是没有特别强调它， remarking ： “暨谭多萨尔维非fiant ，非quia同侧， quia的SED deus非vult ” （因为有这么多未保存，这并不是因为他们不将它，而是因为上帝不将它） 。 Vitalis seems to have acquiesced and to have disclaimed the "error of Pelagius". vitalis似乎已默许，并有disclaimed “错误的伯拉纠” 。
The second dispute, which broke out within the walls of the African monastery of Hadrumetum in 424, was not so easily settled.第二个争议，爆发内部的墙壁上，非洲的修道院哈德鲁梅在424 ，是不是这么容易解决。 A monk named Florus, a friend of St. Augustine, had while on a journey sent to his fellow-monks a copy of the long epistle which Augustine had addressed in 418 to the Roman priest, afterwards Pope Sixtus III (Ep. cxciv in PL, XXXIII, 874 sqq.).一名僧人命名florus ，一位朋友圣奥古斯丁，而对之旅发送到他的同胞-僧侣的副本长期书信，其中奥古斯丁已解决了在418到罗马牧师，事后西斯三世（ ep. cxciv在临时立法会，三十三号，第874 sqq ） 。 In this epistle all merit before the reception of grace was denied, faith represented as the most gratuitous gift of God, and absolute predestination to grace and glory defended.在这方面的书信，所有的好处之前，接收的宽限期，被拒绝，信仰的代表，作为最无偿神的恩赐，绝对predestination ，以恩典和荣耀辩护。 Aroused to great anger by this letter, "more than five monks" inflamed their companions to such an extent that the tumult seemed destined to overwhelm the good abbot, Valentinus.引起了极大的愤怒，由本函“ ，五年多的僧人”发炎同伴到如此程度，该动荡似乎注定要压倒良好的住持，瓦伦廷。 On his return, Florus was loaded with the most violent reproaches for sending such a present, and he and the majority, who were followers of Augustine, were accused of maintaining that free will was no longer of any account, that on the last day all would not be judged according to their works, and that monastic discipline and correction (correptio) were valueless.对他的回报， florus装有最为激烈的指责派遣这样一个目前，他和大多数人，谁获得的追随者奥古斯丁，被指控为保持自由意志，已不再是任何帐户，即在最后一天的所有不会判断，根据他们的作品，以及寺院的纪律和校正（ correptio ）毫无价值。 Informed of the outbreak of this unrest by two young monks, Cresconius and Felix, Augustine sent to the monastery in 426 or 427 the work, "De gratia et libero arbitrio" (PL, XLIV, 881 sqq.), in which he maintains that the efficacy of Divine grace impairs neither the freedom of the human will nor the meritoriousness of good works, but that it is grace which causes the merits in us.通知爆发动乱，这是由两位年轻的僧侣， cresconius和费利克斯，奥古斯丁发送到修道院在426或427的工作， “德特惠等的Libero arbitrio ” （特等，四十四， 881 sqq 。 ） ，其中他认为，疗效神圣的恩典既不妨碍自由人的意志，也不是meritoriousness的优秀作品，但它是宽限期，其中的原因的优点，在我们。 The work exercised a calming influence on the heated spirits of Hadrumetum.工作行使悠闲的影响，对激烈的精神哈德鲁梅。 Apprised of the good effect of this book by Florus himself, Augustine dedicated to the abbot and his monks a second doctrinal writing, "De correptione et gratia" (PL, XLIV, 915 sqq.), in which he explains in the clearest fashion his views upon grace.了解到了良好的效果这本书由florus自己，奥古斯丁，专责的住持和尚和他的第二个理论写作， “德correptione等特惠” （特等，四十四， 915 sqq 。 ） ，其中，他解释，在清晰的时装，他意见后的宽限期。 He informed the monks that correction is by no means superfluous, since it is the means by which God works.他告诉僧侣更正绝不是多余的，因为它的手段是由上帝的工程。 As for the freedom to sin, it is in reality not freedom, but slavery of the will.至于自由单，这是在现实中不自由，但奴隶制的意志。 True freedom of the will is that effected by grace, since it makes the will free from the slavery of sin.真正的自由意志，是由恩典，因为它使得将免费从奴隶制的单仲偕。 Final perseverance is likewise a gift of grace, inasmuch as he to whom God has granted it will infallibly persevere.最后毅力，是同样的礼物，宽限期，因为他向谁上帝给予它将infallibly坚持下去。 Thus, the number of those predestined to heaven from eternity is so determined and certain that "no one is added or subtracted".因此，有多少人注定了天堂，从永恒是如此坚定和肯定的是， “没有人是添加或减去” 。 This second work seems to have been also received approvingly by the mollified monks; not so by subsequent ages, since this ominous book, together with other utterances, has given occasion to the most violent controversies concerning the efficacy of grace and predestination.这第二次工作似乎已还收到了approvingly由mollified和尚;并非如此，随后的年龄，因为这不祥的图书，再加上其他的言论，已发出之际，以暴力最严重的争议，有关疗效的恩典和predestination 。 All advocates of heretical predestinarianism, from Lucidus and Gottschalk to Calvin, have appealed to Augustine as their crown-witness, while Catholic theologians see in Augustine's teaching at most only a predestination to glory, with which the later "negative reprobation" to hell is parallel.所有主张邪教predestinarianism ，从lucidus和戈特沙尔克以卡尔文，呼吁奥古斯丁作为其冠证人，而天主教神学家看到，在奥古斯丁的教学，最多只是一个predestination到荣耀，与后来的“负reprobation ”地狱是并行。 Augustine is entirely free from Calvin's idea that God positively predestined the damned to hell or to sin.奥古斯丁是完全免费的，由卡尔文的思想，积极上帝注定了该死的地狱，或单仲偕。 Many historians of dogma (Harnack, Loofs, Rottmanner, etc.) have passed a somewhat different censure on the work, maintaining that the Doctor of Hippo, his rigorism increasing with his age, has here expressed most clearly the notion of "irresistible grace" (gratia irresistibilis), on which Jansenism later erected, as is known, its entire heretical system of grace.许多历史学家的教条（哈纳克， loofs ， rottmanner等）已通过了一项谴责有所不同，对工作，保持医生的河马，他rigorism增加与他的年龄，已在这里所表达的最清楚的概念“不可抗拒的恩典” （特惠irresistibilis ） ，其中詹森主义后来竖立，众所周知，在其整个邪教系统的宽限期。 As the clearest and strongest proof of this contention, the following passage (De correptione et gratia, xxxviii) is cited: "Subventum est igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanæ, ut divina gratia indeclinabiliter et insuperabiliter ageretur et ideo, quamvis infirma, non tamen deficeret neque adversitate aliqua vincerctur."作为最清楚和最强烈的证明了这一点的争论，以下通过（德correptione等特惠， XXXVIII ）号决议是引用： “ subventum预测igitur infirmitati voluntatis humanæ ，当divina特惠indeclinabiliter等insuperabiliter ageretur等思想， quamvis infirma ，非但有deficeret neque adversitate aliqua vincerctur “ 。 Is this not clearly the "inevitable and unconquerable grace" of Jansenism?这是不是清楚“的必然和不可战胜的宽限期”詹森主义？ The mere analysis of the text informs us better.仅仅分析文告诉我们，更好。 The antithesis and the position of the words do not allow us to refer the terms "inevitably and unconquerably" to the grace as such, they must be referred to the "human will" which, in spite of its infirmity, is, by grace, made "unyielding and unconquerable" against the temptation to sin.对立面和立场的话不要让我们转介条款“必然和unconquerably ”的恩典，因此，它们必须被转介到“人的意志” ，尽管它对体弱，是中，宽限期，作出“强硬和不可战胜的”反对的诱惑，单仲偕。 Again the very easily misunderstood term ageretur is not to be explained as "coercion against one's will" but as "infallible guidance", which does not exclude the continuation of freedom of will (cf. Mausbach, "Die Ethik des hl. Augustins", II, Freiburg, 1909, p. 35).再次，很容易误解的任期ageretur是不被解释为“胁迫对一的意志” ，但作为“犯错的指导意见” ，其中不排除继续自由意志的（参见毛斯巴赫， “模具ethik万hl 。 augustins ” ，第二，弗赖堡， 1909年，第35页） 。
The monks of Southern Gaul, who dwelt in peace at Marseilles and on the neighbouring island of Lerinum (Lérins), read the above-cited and other passages of Augustine with other and more critical eyes than the monks at Hadrumetum.和尚南部高卢，谁花了在和平在马赛和对邻近岛屿的lerinum （ lérins ） ，请阅读上述列举和其他通道，奥古斯丁与其他更重要的眼中，比和尚在哈德鲁梅。 Abbot John Cassian of the monastery of St. Victor at Marseilles, a celebrated and holy man, was, together with his fellow-monks, especially repelled by the arguments of St. Augustine.约翰cassian住持的修道院圣维克托在马赛，著名的和神圣的男子，连同他的同胞-僧侣，特别是击退了由论点，圣奥古斯丁。 The Massilians, as they were called, were known throughout the Christian world as holy and virtuous men, conspicuous for their learning and asceticism.该massilians ，因为它们被称为，被称为整个基督教世界的神圣和善良的男子，突出为他们的学习和修炼。 They had heartily acquiesced in the condemnation of Pelagianism by the Synod of Carthage (418) and the "Tractoria" of Pope Zosimus (418), and also in the doctrines of original sin and grace.他们由衷地默许在谴责佩拉纠学派由主教会议的迦太基（ 418 ）和“ tractoria ”教皇卓西姆（ 418 ） ，并在理论的原罪和恩典。 They were, however, convinced that Augustine in his teaching concerning the necessity and gratuity especially of prevenient grace (gratia prœcedens seu prœveniens) far overshot the mark.然而，他们深信，奥古斯丁在他的教学有关的必要性及约满酬金，特别是prevenient宽限期（特惠prœcedens请输入您的prœveniens ）远远超越了马克。 Cassian had a little earlier expressed his views concerning the relation of grace and freedom in his "Conferences" (Collatio xxiv in PL, XLIX, 477 sqq.). cassian了早一点表达他的看法有关的关系和自由的宽限期，在他的“会议” （ collatio 24条在临时立法会， xlix ， 477 sqq ） 。 As a man of Eastern training and a trusted disciple of St. John Chrysostom, he had taught that the free will was to be accorded somewhat more initiative than he was accustomed to find in the writings of Augustine.作为一名男子，东区培训和信任的门徒圣约翰金口，他曾告诉我们，自由意志的是要给予较为主动，比他习惯于寻找在著作的奥古斯丁。 With unmistakable reference to Hippo, he had endeavoured in his thirteenth conference to demonstrate from Biblical examples that God frequently awaits the good impulses of the natural will before coming to its assistance with His supernatural grace; while the grace often preceded the will, as in the case of Matthew and Peter, on the other hand the will frequently preceded the grace, as in the case of Zacchæus and the Good Thief on the cross.与无误的参考河马，他一直努力在他的第十三次会议表明，从圣经的例子，神经常等待着良好的冲动自然会之前，来协助其与他的超自然的宽限期，而宽限期之前，往往会，如在案件Matthew和黄匡源，另一方面该会经常之前的宽限期，如在案件zacchæus和良好的小偷在十字架上。 This view was no longer Augustinian; it was really "half Pelagianisin".这种看法已不再是奥古斯丁，这是真的“半pelagianisin ” 。 To such a man and his adherents, among whom the monk Hilarius (already appointed Bishop of Arles in 428) was conspicuous, the last writings from Africa must have appeared a masked reproof and a downright contradiction.这样的一名男子和他的追随者，其中和尚希拉里乌斯（已任命主教在阿尔勒428 ）突出，最后的著作，必须从非洲也出现了一名蒙面谴责和彻头彻尾的矛盾。
Thus, from being half friendly, the Massilians developed into determined opponents of Augustine.因此，从目前的一半友好， massilians已发展成为确定对手的奥古斯丁。 Testimony as to this change of feeling is supplied by two non-partisan laymen, Prosper of Aquitaine and a certain Hilarius, both of whom in their enthusiasm for the newly-blossoming monastic life voluntarily shared in the daily duties of the monks.证词作为这种变化的感觉是，提供由两个非党派的外行，繁荣的阿基坦和某希拉里乌斯，两人都在他们的积极性，为新开花寺院的生活，自愿共享，在日常职务的僧人。 In two distinct writings (St. Augustine, Epp. ccxxv-xxvi in PL, XXXIII, 1002-12) they gave Augustine a strictly matter-of-fact report of the theological views of the Massilians.在两种截然不同的著作（圣奥古斯丁，资源增值计划。 ccxxv -二十六在临时立法会，三十三， 1002年至1012年）他们给奥古斯丁严格的事- -事实上，报告的神学的意见，该massilians 。 They sketched in the main the following picture, which we complete from other sources:他们勾画出在主要以下图片，这是我们完成从其他来源：
In distinguishing between the beginning of faith (initium fidei) and the increase of faith (augmentum fidei), one may refer the former to the power of the free will, while the faith itself and its increase is absolutely dependent upon God;在区分开始信仰（ initium信）和增加的信仰（群硕信） ，一个可参考前者的权力的自由意志，而信仰本身和它的增加是完全取决于上帝;
the gratuity of grace is to be maintained against Pelagius in so far as every strictly natural merit is excluded; this, however, does not prevent nature and its works from having a certain claim to grace;约满酬金的宽限期是要保持对伯拉纠在迄今作为每一个严格的自然好处是排除在外;不过，这并不妨碍的性质和它的工程由某自称的宽限期;
as regards final perseverance in particular, it must not be regarded as a special gift of grace, since the justified man may of his own strength persevere to the end;至于最后的毅力，尤其是，它必须不被视为一个特殊的礼物，宽限期，因为合理的男子，可能他自己的实力坚持到最后;
the granting or withholding of baptismal grace in the case of children depends on the Divine prescience of their future conditioned merits or misdeeds.给予或扣压洗礼的宽限期，在该案件的儿童，就看神的prescience他们未来的空调的优点或不当行为。
This fourth statement, which is of a highly absurd nature, has never been condemned as heresy; the three other propositions contain the whole essence of Semipelagianism.这四分之一的声明，这是一个非常荒谬的性质，从来没有谴责为异端;其他三个主张，包含整个的本质semipelagianism 。
The aged Augustine gathered all his remaining strength to prevent the revival of Pelagianism which had then been hardly overcome.老年人奥古斯丁聚集在他的所有剩余强度，以防止死灰复燃佩拉纠学派了，然后一直难以克服。 He addressed (428 or 429) to Prosper and Hilarius the two works "De prædestinatione sanctorum" (PL, XLIV, 959 sqq.) and "De dono perseverantiæ" (PL, XLIV, 993 sqq.).他处理（ 428或429 ）繁荣和希拉里乌斯两个工程“时点prædestinatione sanctorum ” （特等，四十四， 959 sqq 。 ）和“德dono perseverantiæ ” （特等，四十四， 993 sqq ） 。 In refuting their errors, Augustine treats his opponents as erring friends, not as heretics, and humbly adds that, before his episcopal consecration (about 396), he himself had been caught in a "similar error", until a passage in the writings of St. Paul (1 Corinthians 4:7) had opened his eyes, "thinking that the faith, by which we believe in God, is not the gift of God, but is in us of ourselves, and that through it we obtain the gifts whereby we may live temperately, justly, and piously in this world" (De prædest. sanct., iii, 7).在反驳他们的错误，奥古斯丁对待他的对手，作为erring朋友，而不是异端，并谦虚地补充说，之前，他的主教consecration （约396 ） ，他自己已陷入一个“类似的错误” ，直到通过在著作圣保禄（ 1哥林多前书4时07分）打开他的眼睛， “思想，信仰，我们相信在上帝，不是神的恩赐，而是在我们自己，并且通过它，我们获得的礼物让我们生活temperately ，公正，和虔诚在这个世界上“ （德prædest 。给桑特，三，七） 。 The Massilians, however, remained unappeased, the last writings of Augustine making no impression upon them.该massilians ，不过，仍然unappeased ，最后的著作奥古斯丁原地踏步的印象。 Offended at this obstinacy, Prosper believed the time had arrived for public polemics.在这个得罪一意孤行，繁荣，相信时机已经到来，为市民的论战。 He first described the new state of the question in a letter to a certain Rufinus (Prosper Aquit., "Ep. ad Rufinum de gratia et libero arbitrio", in PL, XLI 77 sqq.), lashed in a poem of some thousand hexameters (Peri achariston, "hoc est de ingratis", in PL, LI, 91 sqq.) the ingratitude of the "enemies of grace", and directed against an unnamed assailant - perhaps Cassian himself - his "Epigrammata in obtrectatorem Augustini" (PL, XLI, 149 sqq.), written in clegiacs.他首先介绍了新的国家的问题在了一封信给某rufinus （繁荣aquit 。 “的EP 。广告rufinum德特惠等的Libero arbitrio ” ，在临时立法会，四十一77 sqq ） ，抨击了在一首诗，一些千hexameters （围achariston ， “特别预测德ingratis ” ，在临时立法会，李， 91 sqq 。 ） ingratitude的“敌人的宽限期” ，并针对一无名行凶者-也许c assian自己-他的“ e p igrammata在o b trectatorem奥古斯蒂尼”（特等，四十一， 149 sqq ） ，在书面clegiacs 。 At the time of the composition of this poem (429-30), Augustine was still alive.在时间的组成，这首诗（ 429-30 ） ，奥古斯丁还活着。
II.二。 THE CULMINATION OF SEMIPELAGIANISM (430-519)经过semipelagianism （ 430-519 ）
On 29 Aug., 430, while the Vandals were besieging his episcopal city, St. Augustine died.对8月29日， 430 ，而汪达尔人包围他的主教城，圣奥古斯丁死亡。 As his sole champions, he left his disciples, Prosper and Hilarius, on the scene of conflict in Southern Gaul.作为他唯一的冠军，他离开他的弟子，繁荣和希拉里乌斯，在现场发生冲突的南部高卢。 Prosper, rightly known as his "best disciple", alone engaged in writing, and, immersed as he was in the rich and almost inexhaustible mind of the greatest of all the Doctors of the Church, he subsequently devoted the utmost pains to soften down with noble tact the roughness and abruptness of many of his master's propositions.蓬勃发展，正确地称为他“最好的弟子” ，仅从事写作，和，沉浸因为他是在富国和几乎取之不尽，用之不竭的心目中最大的所有的医生，教会，他后来专门最大的痛苦，软化下来，崇高的机智粗糙度和唐突的许多他的主人的主张。 Filled with the conviction that they could not successfully engage such learned and respected opponents, Prosper and Hilary journeyed to Rome about 431 to urge Pope Celestine I to take official steps against the Semipelagians.充满信念，即他们不能成功地进行这样的教训和尊重对手，繁荣和希拉里journeyed到罗马约431促请教宗天青石一至采取正式的步骤，对semipelagians 。 Without issuing any definitive decision, the pope contented himself with an exhortation to the bishops of Gaul (PL, L, 528 sqq.), protecting the memory of Augustine from calumniation and imposing silence on the innovators.没有发出任何明确的决定，教宗知足，他一告诫主教高卢（特等，升， 528 sqq ） ，保护的记忆奥古斯丁从calumniation和强加的沉默革新者。 On his return Prosper could claim henceforth to be engaging in the conflict "in virtue of the authority of the Apostolic See" (cf. PL, LI, 178: "ex auctoritate apostolicæ sedis). His war was "pro Augustino", and in every direction he fought on his behalf. Thus, about 431-32, he repelled the "calumnies of the Gauls" against Augustine in his "Responsiones ad capitula objectionum Gallorum" (PL, LI, 155 sqq.), defended temperately in his "Responsiones ad capitula objectionum Vincentianarum" (PL, LI 177 sqq.), the Augustinian teaching concerning predestination, and finally, in his "Responsiones ad excerpta Genuensium (PL, LI, 187 sqq.), explained the sense of excerpts which two priests of Genoa had collected from the writings of Augustine concerning predestination, and had forwarded to Prosper for interpretation.他返回繁荣可以声称，今后要从事在冲突中“在凭借权威的使徒见” （见特等，李， 178 ： “当然auctoritate apostolicæ sedis ） 。他的战争是”亲augustino “ ，并在每一个方向，他打了他的名义，因此，约431-32 ，他击退了“诽谤的高卢人”对奥古斯丁在他的“ responsiones广告capitula objectionum gallorum ” （特等，李， 155 sqq ） ，辩护temperately在他的“ responsiones广告capitula objectionum vincentianarum “ （特等，李177 sqq 。 ） ，奥古斯丁教学有关predestination ，最后，在他的” responsiones广告excerpta genuensium （特等，李， 187 sqq ） ，解释的意识，摘录其中两个祭司热那亚已收集到的著作奥古斯丁关于predestination ，并已送交繁荣解释。 About 433 (434) he even ventured to attack Cassian himself, the soul and head of the whole movement, in his book, "De gratia et libero arbitrio contra Collatorem" (PL, LI, 213 sqq.).约433 （ 434 ） ，他甚至大胆攻击cassian自己的灵魂和头部的整个运动，在他的书中， “德特惠等的Libero arbitrio孔特拉collatorem ” （特等，李， 213 sqq ） 。 The already delicate situation was thereby embittered, notwithstanding the friendly concluding sentences of the work.本已微妙的情况，从而苦，尽管友好的结论服刑的工作。 Of Hilary, Prosper's friend, we hear nothing more.对希拉蕊，蓬勃发展的朋友，我们听到而已。 Prosper himself must have regarded the fight as hopeless for the time being, since in 434 - according to Loofs; other historians give the year 440 - he shook the dust of Gaul from his feet and left the land to its fate.蓬勃发展自己，必须把打击作为无望，为一段时间内，因为在434 -根据l oofs;其他历史学家给予4 40年-他摇摇灰尘高卢从他的双脚离开了土地，以它的命运。 Settling at Rome in the papal chancery, he took no further part directly in the controversy, although even here he never wearied propagating Augustine's doctrine concerning grace, publishing several treatises to spread and defend it.解决在罗马，在罗马教皇chancery ，他没有采取任何进一步的一部分，直接在争议，虽然即使在这里，他从来没有wearied宣传奥古斯丁的教义有关的宽限期，出版的几个论文，以传播和捍卫它。 The Massilians now took the field, confident of victory.该massilians现在了外地，有信心的胜利。 One of their greatest leaders, the celebrated Vincent of Lérins, under the pseudonym of Peregrinus made in 434 concealed attacks on Augustine in his classical and otherwise excellent work, "Commonitorium pro catholicæ fidei veritate" (PL, L, 637 sqq), and in individual passages frankly espoused Semipelagianism.他们的一个伟大的领导人，著名的文森特的lérins下，化名的peregrinus取得了434隐蔽攻击，奥古斯丁在他的古典和出色的工作，否则， “ commonitorium亲catholicæ信veritate ” （特等，升， 637 sqq ） ，并在个别通道坦白信奉semipelagianism 。 This booklet should probably be regarded as simply a "polemical treatise against Augustine".这本小册子应该可能被视为只是一种“ polemical伤寒对奥古斯丁” 。
That Semipelagianism remained the prevailing tendency in Gaul during the following period, is proved by Arnobius the Younger, so called in contrast to Arnobius the Elder of Sicca (about 303).这semipelagianism仍然是普遍的趋势，在高卢在下列期限，证明了阿诺布斯年轻，所谓在对比阿诺布斯老的干燥（约303 ） 。 A Gaul by birth, and skilled in exegesis, Arnobius wrote about 460 extensive explanations of the Psalms ("Commentarii in Psalmos" in PL, LIII, 327 sqq.) with a tendency towards allegorizing and open tilts at Augustine's doctrine of grace. 1高卢出生，和技术熟练的在注释，阿诺布斯写了约460广泛解释的诗篇（ “ commentarii在psalmos ”在临时立法会， liii ， 327 sqq ）与倾向寓言和开放的倾斜，在奥古斯丁的学说的宽限期。 Of his personal life nothing is known to us.他的个人生活无关，是我们所知的。 Certain works from other pens have been wrongly ascribed to him.某些工程从其他笔被错误地归功于他。 Thus, the collection of scholia ("Adnotationes ad quædam evangeliorum loca" in PL, LIII, 569 sqq.), formerly attributed to him, must be referred to the pre-Constantine period, as B. Grundl has recently proved (cf. "Theol. Quartalschr.", Tübingen, 1897, 555 sqq.).因此，收集scholia （ “ adnotationes广告quædam evangeliorum失水”的特等， liii ， 569 sqq ） ，前身是归因于他，必须转介到前君士坦丁时期，作为乙grundl最近已证明（参见“ theol 。 quartalschr “ ，蒂宾根大学， 1897年， 555 sqq ） 。 Likewise, the work "Conflictus Arnobii catholici cum Serapione Ægyptio" (PL, LIII, 239 sqq.) cannot have been written by our Arnobius, inasmuch as it is entirely Augustinian in spirit.同样，工作“ conflictus arnobii catholici暨serapione ægyptio ” （特等， liii ， 239 sqq ）不能被写入我们的阿诺布斯，因为它是完全奥古斯丁在精神。 When Bäumer wished to assign the authorship to Faustus of Riez ("Katholik" II, Mainz, 1887, pp. 398 sqq.), he overlooked the fact that Faustus also was a Semipelagian (see below), and that, in any case, so dilettante a writing as the above could not be ascribed to the learned Bishop of Riez.当bäumer希望指派的作者，以浮士德的riez （ “ katholik ”二，美茵茨， 1887年，第398 sqq ） ，他忽略了事实，即浮士德也是一个semipelagian （见下文） ，并且在任何情况下，所以dilettante以书面形式作为上述不能归因于据悉，该教区主教riez 。 The true author is to be sought in Italy, not in Gaul.真正的作者是要寻求在意大利，而不是在高卢。 His chief object is to prove against Monophysitism, in the form of a disputation, the agreement in faith between Rome and the Greek champions of Orthodoxy, Athanasius and Cyril of Alexandria.他的主要目的是证明对monophysitism ，在表单中的一个争议，该协议在信仰之间的罗马和希腊冠军的正统，亚他那修和钱卓乐爵士在亚历山大。 Naturally Arnobius overcomes the Egyptian Serapion.自然阿诺布斯克服了埃及西拉比庸。 One can therefore scarcely err in regarding the "Catholic Arnobius" as an obscure monk living in Rome.一，因此可以少犯错，在关于“天主教阿诺布斯”作为一个晦涩的和尚，住在罗马。 Until recent times the authorship of the work called the "Liber prædestinatus" was also commonly ascribed to our Arnobius.直到最近的时代作者的工作称为“ liber prædestinatus ” ，也普遍归咎于我们阿诺布斯。 The sub-title reads:小组标题内容如下：
"Prædestinatorum hæresis et libri S. Angustino temere adscripti refutatio" (PL, LIII, 587 sqq.). “ prædestinatorum hæresis等书第angustino temere adscripti refutatio ” （特等， liii ， 587 sqq ） 。 Dating from the fifth century and divided into three parts, this work, which was first published by J. Sirmond in 1643, attempts under the mask of ecclesiastical authority to refute Augustine's doctrine of grace together with the heretical Predestinarianism of pseudo-Augustine.约会从第五世纪，分为三部分，这方面的工作，这是首次出版，由J.西尔蒙在1643年，企图下的面具教会管理局反驳奥古斯丁的学说的宽限期，再加上邪教predestinarianism伪奥古斯丁。 As the third part is not merely Semipelagianism but undisguised Pelagianism, von Schubert has of late rightly concluded ("Der sog. Prædestinatus, ein Beitrag zur Gesch. des Pelagianismus", Leipzig, 1903) that the author wrote about 440 in Italy, perhaps at Rome itself, and was one of the associates of Julian of Eclanum (for further particulars see PREDESTINARIANISM).作为第三部分，不只是semipelagianism ，但赤裸裸的佩拉纠学派，冯舒伯特已晚正确的结论（ “明镜特别一次过拨款。 prædestinatus ，艾因beitrag zur gesch 。 pelagianismus万” ，莱比锡， 1903 ）指出，作者写了约440个在意大利，也许在罗马本身，是一个联营公司的朱利安的eclanum （进一步详情请参阅predestinarianism ） 。
The most important representative of Semipelagianism after Cassian was undoubtedly the celebrated Bishop Faustus of Riez.最重要的代表semipelagianism后cassian无疑是庆祝主教浮士德的riez 。 When the Gallic priest Lucidus had drawn on himself, on account of his heretical predestinationism, the condemnation of two synods (Arles, 473; Lyons 474), Faustus was commissioned by the assembled bishops to write a scientific refutation of the condemned heresy; hence his work, "De gratia libri II" (PL, LVIII, 783 sqq.).当没食子神父lucidus吸取了自己，就交代他的异端邪说， predestinationism ，谴责两个主教（阿尔勒， 473 ;里昂474 ） ，浮士德委托组装主教写了科学的驳斥该谴责异端，因此他工作， “德特惠图书Ⅱ ” （特等， lviii ， 783 sqq ） 。 Agreeing neither with the "pestifer doctor Pelagius" nor with the "error prædestinationis" of Lucidus, he resolutely adopted the standpoint of John Cassian.同意既不符合“ pestifer医生伯拉纠” ，也不是与“错误prædestinationis ” lucidus ，他坚决通过的立场，约翰cassian 。 Like him, he denied the necessity of prevenient grace at the beginning of justification, and compares the will to a "small hook" (quædam voluntatis ansula) which reaches out and seizes grace.和他一样，他否认的必要性prevenient的宽限期，在开始的理由，并比较了将一个“小钩” （ quædam voluntatis ansula ） ，其中达到和检获的宽限期。 Of predestination to heaven and final perseverance as a "special grace" (gratia specialis, personalis) he will not hear. predestination的天堂和毅力，最后作为一个“特殊的恩典” （特惠特别， personalis ） ，他不会听到。 That he sincerely believed that by these propositions he was condemning not a dogma of the Church, but the false private views of St. Augustine, is as certain in his case as in that of his predecessors Cassian and Hilary of Arles (see above).他真诚地相信，这些主张，他谴责不是教条的教会，但虚假私人的意见，圣奥古斯丁，是由于某些在他的案件，作为在这方面他的前任cassian和希拉蕊的阿尔勒（见上文） 。 Consequently, their objectively reprehensible but subjectively excusable action has not prevented France from honouring these three men as Saints even to this day.因此，他们客观上应受谴责，但主观上情有可原的行动没有妨碍法国从履行这些三名男子为圣人，甚至在这一天。 The later Massilians were as little conscious as the earlier that they had strayed from the straight line of orthodoxy, and the infallible authority of the Church had not yet given a decision.后来massilians人少的自觉作为较早，他们已经偏离了直线的正统，以及犯错的权威，教会尚未作出决定。
One should, however, speak only of a predominance, and not of a supremacy, of Semipelagianism at this period.一应，不过，发言的只有一个优势，而不是一个至高无上的， semipelagianism在此期间。 In proof of this statement we may cite two anonymous writings, which appeared most probably in Gaul itself.在证明了这一点声明，我们可以举出两个无名氏的著作，似乎极有可能在高卢本身。 About 430 an unknown writer, recognized by Pope Gelasius as "probatus ecclesiæ magister", composed the epoch-making work, "De vocatione omnium gentium" (PL, LI, 647 sq.).约430未知的作家，承认教宗格拉西“ probatus ecclesiæ magister ” ，组成的具有划时代意义的决策工作， “德vocatione omnium gentium ” （特等，李， 647平方米） 。 It is an honest and skilful attempt to soften down the contradictions and to facilitate the passage from Semipelagianism to a moderate Augustinism.它是一个诚实和干练，企图软化下来的矛盾和，以方便通过从semipelagianism ，以温和的augustinism 。 To harmonize the universality of the will of redemption with restricted predestination, the anonymous author distinguishes between the general provision of grace (benignitas generalis) which excludes no one, and the special care of God (gratia specialis), which is given only to the elect.统一的普遍性的意志与赎回的限制predestination ，无名氏作者区分的一般规定的宽限期（ benignitas generalis ） ，其中不包括任何人，和特别照顾的上帝（特惠特别） ，这是只给予该选举。 As suggestions towards this distinction are already found in St. Augustine, we may say that this work stands on Augustinian ground (cf. Loofs, "Dogmengesch.", 4th ed., Leipzig, 1906, p. 391).作为建议，对这一区别是已经找到了在圣奥古斯丁，我们可以说，这方面的工作，站在奥古斯丁地面（参见loofs ， “ dogmengesch ” ，第四教育署，莱比锡， 1906年， 391页） 。 Another anonymous writing dating from the middle of the fifth century, reckoned among the works of Augustine, and edited by the Academy of Vienna, bears the title: "Hypomnesticon contra Pelagianos et Cœlestianos" (Corpus scriptor. ecclesiast. latin., X, 1611 sqq.).另一无名氏写约会，来自中东的第五世纪，估计其中的作品，奥古斯丁，和编辑由中国科学院维也纳，熊的标题： “ hypomnesticon孔特拉pelagianos等cœlestianos ” （语料库的作者。 ecclesiast 。拉丁美洲， X的1611年sqq ） 。 It contains a refutation of Semipelagianism, as it condemns the foundation of predestination on the "faith foreseen" by God (fides prœvisa).它还包含一个驳斥semipelagianism ，因为它谴责的基础predestination对“信仰预见的”上帝（菲德斯prœvisa ） 。 But it also sharply challenges the irresistibility of grace and predestination to hell.但它也有大幅的挑战irresistibility的宽限期和predestination地狱之路。 As the ground for eternal damnation the Divine foresight of sin is given, although the author cannot help seeing that eternal punishment as the consequence of sin is settled from all eternity.作为地面永恒的damnation神圣的远见，单是给予，虽然作者不能帮助看到永恒的惩罚的后果，单是解决所有永恒。 A third work deserves special attention, inasmuch as it reflects the views of Rome towards the end of the fifth century; it is entitled: "Indiculus seu præteritorum Sedis Apostolicæ episcoporum auctoritates" (in Denzinger-Bannwart, "Enchiridion", Freiburg, 1908, nn. 129-42), and emphasizes in twelve chapters the powerlessness of man to raise himself, the absolute necessity of grace for all salutary works, and the special grace-character of final perseverance.第三个工作值得特别注意，因为它反映的意见，罗马在接近年底的第五世纪，它的标题是： “ indiculus请输入您的præteritorum sedis apostolicæ episcoporum auctoritates ” （在登青格- bannwart ， “ enchiridion ” ，弗赖堡， 1908年，神经网络。 129-42 ） ，并强调在12章的权力，男子以提高自己，绝对有必要的宽限期，所有有益的工程，和特别的恩典字的最后毅力。 The "deeper and more difficult questions" concerning grace, as they emerged in the course of the discussion, were passed over as superfluous. “更深入和更困难的问题”有关的宽限期，因为它们出现在讨论过程中，获得通过，成为多余的。 The Augustinian standpoint of the compiler is as unmistakable as the anti-Semipelagian tendency of the whole work.该奥古斯丁的立场，编译器是明确无误的作为反semipelagian的趋势，整个工作。 Regarded in earlier times and to some extent even today as a papal instruction sent by Celestine I to the bishops of Gaul together with the document mentioned above, this appendix, or "indiculus" is now considered unauthentic and its origin referred to the end of the fifth century.把在较早的时代，并在一定程度上即使在今天，作为一个教皇的指示，派出的天青石一至主教高卢同上述文件，本附录，或“ indiculus ”现正考虑unauthentic和其原产地转介到去年底，该第五世纪。 It is certain that about AD 500 this work was recognized as the official expression of the views of the Apostolic See.可以肯定的是，关于广告500这项工作被承认为正式的表达的意见，使徒见。
III.三。 DECLINE AND END OF SEMIPELAGIANISM (519-30)下降和年底semipelagianism （ 519-30 ）
Not at Rome or in Gaul, but after a roundabout passage through Constantinople, the Semipelagian strife was to break out with new violence.不是在罗马或在高卢，但经过一个回旋通过君士坦丁堡， semipelagian内乱被打破与新的暴力。 It happened in this wise: In 519, Scythian monks under Johannes Maxentius who was versed in Latin literature, appeared at Constantinople with the intention of having inserted in the symbol of the Council of Chalcedon (451) the Christological formula, "Unus de s. Trinitate in carne crucifixus est", in view of the Theopaschite quarrel, which was then raging.它发生在这明智的：在519 ， scythian和尚下约翰内斯maxentius谁是精通在拉丁美洲文学，出现在与君士坦丁堡的意图后，在插入的象征理事会迦克墩（ 451 ） christological公式， “ unus德第trinitate在卡尔crucifixus预测“ ，鉴于对theopaschite争吵，当时肆虐。 In this clause the fanatical monks saw the "standard of orthodoxy", and regarded the solemn reception of the same into the symbol as the most efficacious means of overthrowing Monophysitism.在这第狂热的僧人看到“标准的正统” ，把庄严的接待，同时纳入的象征，作为最有效的手段推翻monophysitism 。 With their untimely proposition they importuned even the papal legates, who were entrusted with the negotiations for the re-establishment of official relations between Rome and Byzantium.与他们的不合时宜的主张，他们importuned ，甚至教皇legates ，谁被赋予与谈判，以便重新建立官方关系罗马和拜占庭。 When Bishop Possessor from Africa approached the hesitating legates with quotations from the works of the recently-deceased Faustus of Riez, Maxentius did not hesitate to denounce Possessor and his abettors curtly as "partisans of Pelagius" (sectatores Pelagii; cf. Maxentius, "Ep. ad legatos" in PG, LXXXVI, 85).当主教拥有来自非洲的接触不惜legates与报价从工程最近死者的浮士德的riez ， maxentius没有犹豫，声讨拥有和他的教唆非法入境者简短“ partisans的伯拉纠” （ sectatores pelagii ;比照maxentius “的EP 。广告legatos “在pg ， lxxxvi ， 85 ） 。 Thus the question of the orthodoxy of Faustus suddenly arose, and simultaneously that of Semipelagianism in general; henceforth, the conflict never abated until its final settlement.因此，问题的正统浮士德突然出现，并且同时指出， semipelagianism在一般;此后，冲突从来没有减弱，直至最终解决。 As no decision could be reached without the concurrence of Rome, Maxentius started for Rome in June, 519, with several fellow-monks to lay their petition before Pope Hormisdas.由于没有决定能达成未经同意，罗马， maxentius开始为罗马6月， 519 ，有几个同胞僧侣奠定他们的请愿书之前，教宗卡尔米斯达斯。 During their fourteen months' residence at Rome they left no means untried to induce the pope to recognize the Christological formula and to condemn Faustus.在其14个月居住在罗马，他们没有留下前所未有的手段，促使教宗承认christological公式，并谴责浮士德。 Hormisdas, however, refused to yield to either request.卡尔米斯达斯，但是，拒绝屈服，要么要求。 On the contrary, in a reply to Bishop Possessor of 20 Aug., 520, he complains bitterly of the tactless and fanatical conduct of the Scythian monks at Rome (cf. A. Thiel, "Epistolæ Romanor. Pontif. genuinæ", I, Braunsberg, 1868, 929).与此相反，在答复主教拥有8月20日， 520 ，他抱怨不已的tactless和狂热地进行了scythian僧侣在罗马（参见甲Thiel ） ， “ epistolæ romanor 。 pontif 。 genuinæ ” ，我劳恩斯贝格， 1868 ， 929 ） 。 As for Faustus, Hormisdas declares in the same letter that his works certainly contain much that is distorted (incongrua) and is, moreover, not included among the recognized writings of the Fathers.至于浮士德，卡尔米斯达斯宣布在同一封信中说，他的作品，当然包含了许多这是扭曲的（ incongrua ） ，此外，未列入其中公认的著作的父亲。 The sound doctrine on grace and freedom could be taken from the writings of St. Augustine.健全学说的恩典和自由，可采取从著作的圣奥古斯丁。
This evasive answer of the pope, showing no inclination to meet their wishes, was far from pleasing to Maxentius and his companions.这回避的答案，教宗，显示没有倾向，以满足他们的愿望，还远远令人高兴的maxentius和他的同伴。 Turning elsewhere for support Maxentius formed a league of the African bishops, who, in consequence of the Vandal persecution of the Catholics under King Thrasamund (496-523), were living in exile on the Island of Sardinia.至于其他地方的支持maxentius成立了一个联盟，非洲主教，谁，在后果的vandal迫害天主教徒，根据国王thrasamund （ 496-523 ） ，被住在流亡在该岛上的撒丁岛。 Fulgentius of Ruspe, the most learned of the exiles, inquired into the matter on behalf of his fellow-bishops.傅箴修的ruspe ，最了解的流亡者，询问调查此事，就代表他的同胞主教。 In a long epistle (Fulgentius, Ep. xvii, "De incarnatione et gratia", in PL, LXV, 451 sqq.), he gratified the Scythian monks by approving the orthodoxy of the Christological formula and the condemnation of Faustus of Riez.在长期的书信（傅箴修，掘路许可证。十七， “德incarnatione等特惠” ，在临时立法会， lxv ， 451 sqq ） ，他感到欣慰的scythian僧侣批准正统的christological公式和谴责浮士德的riez 。 Unfortunately his polemical work in seven books against Faustus is lost, but in his numerous writings, which he composed partly during his exile in Sardinia and partly after his return to Africa, there breathes a spirit so truly Augustinian that he has been rightly called the "epitomized Augustine".可惜他polemical工作在7书籍对浮士德是失去了，但在他的许多著作，这是他组成部分，在他流亡在撒丁岛和部分后，他返回非洲，有呼吸的精神，使真正奥古斯丁说，他已正确地称为“奥古斯丁的缩影“ 。 The blow dealt to Faustus had its effect both in Gaul and at Rome.打击处理，以浮士德有其效果无论是在高卢，并在罗马。 Bishop Cæsarius of Arles, although a pupil of Lérins, subscribed to the Augustinian doctrine of grace, and his views were shared by many of the Gallic episcopate.主教cæsarius的阿尔勒，虽然学生的lérins ，订阅了奥古斯丁学说的宽限期，并赞同他的意见很多的没食子主教。 Other bishops were indeed still inclined towards Semipelagianism.其他的主教们，的确仍倾向semipelagianism 。 At a Synod of Valence (528 or 529) Cæsarius was attacked on account of his teaching, but was able to reply effectively.在主教价（ 528或529 ） cæsarius遭到攻击，考虑到他的教学，但能够有效的答复。 Having been assured of the "authority and support of the Apostolic See", he summoned on 3 July, 529, the sharers of his views to the Second Synod of Orange, which condemned Semipelagianism as heresy.已保证“的权威和支持使徒见” ，他召见了7月3日， 529 ，共享他的意见，以第二主教橙，谴责semipelagianism为异端。 In twenty-five canons the entire powerlessness of nature for good, the absolute necessity of prevenient grace for salutary acts, especially for the beginning of faith, the absolute gratuity of the first grace and of final perseverance, were defined, while in the epilogue the predestination of the will to evil was branded as heresy (cf. Denzinger-Bannwart, nn. 174-200).在25炮，整个权力的性质为好，绝对有必要prevenient宽限期为有益的行为，尤其是开始的信念，绝对的约满酬金第一的宽限期，和最后的毅力，被界定，而在该尾声predestination的意志，邪恶是品牌作为异端邪说（参见登青格- bannwart ，神经网络。 174-200 ） 。 As Pope Boniface II solemnly ratified the decrees in the following year (530), the Synod of Orange was raised to the rank of an œcumenical council.正如教皇博尼法斯二世郑重批准的法令可以在下一年度（ 530 ） ，主教会议的橙色提高到级1 œcumenical会。 It was the final triumph of the dead Augustine, the "Doctor of Grace".这是最后的胜利，死者奥古斯丁， “医生的宽限期” 。
Publication information Written by J. Pohle.出版信息的书面由J. pohle 。 Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter.转录由道格拉斯j.波特。 Dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus Christ The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIII.专为圣心耶稣基督的天主教百科全书，货量十三。 Published 1912. 1912年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1912. nihil obstat ， 1912年2月1日。 Remy Lafort, DD, Censor.的Remy lafort ，房屋署副署长，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教，纽约
Bibliography参考书目
SUAREZ, Proleg.苏亚雷斯， proleg 。 de gratia, V, v, Sqq.; ELEUTHERIUS (LIVINUS MEYER), De Pelagianis et Semipelag.德特惠，五，五， sqq 。 ; eleutherius （ livinus迈耶） ，德pelagianis等semipelag 。 erroribus (Antwerp, 1705); GEFFKEN, Historia semipelagianismi (Göttingen, 1826); WIGGERS, Gesch. erroribus （安特卫普， 1705 ） ; geffken ，历史semipelagianismi （哥廷根， 1826 ） ; wiggers ， gesch 。 des Pelagianismus (Hamburg, 1835) ; KOCH, Der hl.万pelagianismus （汉堡， 1835 ） ;科赫，明镜hl 。 Faustus v. Riez (Stuttgart, 1893); ARNOLD, Cäsarius von Arelate (Leipzig, 1894); HOCH, Die Lehre des Joh.浮士德五riez （斯图加特， 1893 ） ;阿诺德， cäsarius冯阿勒莱特（莱比锡， 1894 ） ; hoch ，模具教万joh 。 Cassian von Natur u. cassian冯natur美国 Gnade (Freiburg, 1895); SUBLET, Le semipélagianisme des origines dans ses rapports avec Augustin, le pélagianisme et l'église (Namur, 1897); WÖRTER, Beitrage zur Dogmengesch. gnade （弗赖堡， 1895 ） ;分租，乐semipélagianisme万origines dans经济局局长rapports avec奥古斯丁，勒pélagianisme等l' église （那慕尔， 1897 ） ; wörter ， beitrage zur dogmengesch 。 des Semipelagianismus (Paderborn, 1898); IDEM, Zur Dogmengesch.万semipelagianismus （帕德博恩， 1898 ） ;同上， zur dogmengesch 。 des Semipelagianismus (Münster, 1900); HEFELE-LECLERCQ, Hist.万semipelagianismus （明斯特， 1900 ） ;黑弗勒-勒克莱尔，历史。 des conciles, II (Paris, 1908); TIXERONT, Hist.万conciles ，二（巴黎， 1908 ） ; tixeront ，历史。 des dogmes, II (2nd ed., Paris, 1909); HARNACK, Dogmengesch., III (4th ed., Freiburg, 1910).万dogmes ，二（第二版，巴黎， 1909 ） ;哈纳克， dogmengesch ，三（第四教育署，弗赖堡， 1910 ） 。 On questions of literary history see BARDENHEWER, Patrologie (3rd ed., Freiburg, 1910), passim, tr.对问题的文学史见巴登黑韦尔， patrologie （第三教育署，弗赖堡， 1910 ） ，各处，的TR 。 SHAHAN (St. Louis, 1908); on the Middle Ages cf.沙汉（圣路易斯， 1908 ） ;对中世纪的比照。 MINGES, Die Gnadenlehre des Duns Scotus auf ihren angeblichen Pelagianismus u. minges ，模具gnadenlehre万邓司各脱auf ihren angeblichen pelagianismus美国 Semipelag. semipelag 。 geprüft (Münster, 1906); on the internal development of Augustine's teaching Consult WEINAND, Die Gottesidee der Grundzug der Weltanschauung des hl. geprüft （明斯特， 1906 ） ;关于内部的发展，奥古斯丁的教学谘询魏南德，模具gottesidee明镜grundzug明镜世界观万hl 。 Augustinus (Paderborn, 1910).奥古斯丁（帕德博恩， 1910 ） 。
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