Pelagianism is the name given to the teachings of Pelagius, a British Christian active in Rome in the late 4th and early 5th centuries.佩拉纠学派的名称是给予的教诲，伯拉纠，英国基督教活跃在罗马举行已故的第四和第五世纪初。 Often identified as a monk but probably a layman, Pelagius was a biblical interpreter (he wrote a commentary on Paul's letters) and theologian who stressed the human ability to fulfill the commands of God. In Rome he became the center of a largely aristocratic group whose aim was to pursue the most rigorous form of the religious life in contrast to the indifferent morality of other Christians.往往被确定为一名僧人，但可能是一个门外汉，伯拉纠是一个圣经翻译（他写的一篇评论对保罗的信件）和神学家谁强调，人类有能力履行上帝的命令。在罗马，他成为该中心的主要是贵族的一群目的是要追求最严格的形式的宗教生活形成对比的冷淡道德的其他基督徒。 Pelagianism may thus be considered a reform movement within late Roman Christianity.佩拉纠学派可能因此被视为改革运动后期，罗马基督教。 Its doctrine, however, was condemned as heresy.其学说，但是，被谴责为异端。
Under the threat of the Goths' invasion (410) of Italy, Pelagius joined other Roman refugees who traveled to North Africa.威胁下的哥特人入侵（ 410 ） ，意大利，伯拉纠加入其他罗马难民谁前往北非。 There his teaching was opposed by Augustine, the leading figure in the North African church.有他的教学是反对由奥古斯丁，领导人物在北非教会。 In claiming that humans can do what God requires, Pelagius had emphasized the freedom of the human will and the ability to control one's motives and actions under the guidance of God's law.在声称人类可以做什么上帝的需要， 伯拉纠强调了自由人的意志和能力，以控制一个人的动机和行动的指导下，真主的法律。 In contrast, Augustine insisted that no one can control his or her own motivation and that person requires the assistance of God's Grace if he or she is to will and to do good. Only with the help of divine grace can an individual overcome the force of sin and live rightly before God. 相反的，奥古斯丁坚持认为，没有人可以控制他或她自己的动机和人的需要的协助，上帝的恩典，如果他或她是意志和做好，只有借助神的恩典可以克服个人的力量单仲偕和生活的正确上帝面前。 In the resulting controversy Augustine's views prevailed and became dominant in Christian teaching.在所产生的争议，奥古斯丁的意见占了上风，并成为主导在基督教教学。
| BELIEVE 相信 Religious 宗教 Information 信息 Source 来源 web-site 网址： |
| Our List of 1,000 Religious Subjects 我们所列出的1000名宗教科目 |
| E-mail 电子邮箱 |
William S Babcock威廉s巴布科克
Bibliography
参考书目
R Evans,
Pelagius: Inquiries and Reappraisals (1968); J Ferguson, Pelagius: A Historical
and Theological Study (1956); BR Rees, Pelagius (1988).
r商务部长埃文斯，伯拉纠：查询和reappraisals （ 1968年） ; j弗格森，伯拉纠：一个历史和神学研究（ 1956年） ;溴里斯，伯拉纠（
1988年） 。
Pelagianism is that teaching, originating in the late fourth century, which stresses man's ability to take the initial steps toward salvation by his own efforts, apart from special grace. It is sharply opposed by Augustinianism, which emphasizes the absolute necessity of God's interior grace for man's salvation. 佩拉纠学派的是，教学，原产于晚四分之一世纪，强调人的能力，采取了初步措施，对拯救他自己的努力，除了特别的恩典，这是尖锐的反对奥古斯丁主义，强调绝对有必要上帝的恩典，为内部人的救赎。
Pelagius was an eminently moral person, who became a fashionable teacher at Rome late in the fourth century.伯拉纠是一个遥不可及的道德的人，谁成为一个时髦的教师在罗马后期，在第四世纪。 British by birth, he was a zealous ascetic.英国出生的，他是一名热心的苦行。 Whether he was a monk or not we cannot say, but he clearly supported monastic ideals.他是否是一个和尚或不，我们不能说，但他明确支持寺院的理想。 In his early writings he argued against the Arians but fired his big guns against the Manichaeans.在他的早期著作，他辩称，对arians ，但发射了他的大炮对摩尼教派。 Their dualistic fatalism infuriated the moralist in him他们的二元宿命论激怒了道德在他
While in Rome, Pelagius studied Augustine's anti - Manichaean writings, particularly On Free Will.而在罗马，伯拉纠研究奥古斯丁的反-摩尼教的著作，特别是对自由意志。 He came to oppose passionately Augustine's quietism, reflected in his prayer in the Confessions: "Give what thou commandest, and command what thou wilt" (X,31,45).他来反对深情奥古斯丁的quietism ，反映在他的祈祷的供词： “给你什么commandest ，并指挥你有什么病” （ X的31,45 ） 。
When the Visigoths surged upon Rome in 410 / 411, Pelagius sought refuge in Africa.当西哥特人激增后，罗马410 / 411伯拉纠寻求避难的是在非洲。 After avoiding an encounter with Augustine, he moved on to Jerusalem, where he gained a good reputation.之后，避免一遇到与奥古斯丁，他转移到耶路撒冷，在那里他获得了良好的声誉。 No one took offense at his teaching.没有人了进攻，在他的教学。
Meanwhile in Africa, Pelagius's pupil Coelestius, a less cautious and more superficial man, had pointedly drawn out the consequences of Pelagius's teaching on freedom.同时在非洲，伯拉纠的学生coelestius ，那么谨慎和更肤浅的男子，曾尖锐地指出抽出的后果伯拉纠的教学上的自由。 Churchmen in the area of Carthage solemnly charged him with heresy.牧师在该地区的迦太基郑重控告他的邪说。 According to Augustine, Coelestius did not accept the "remission of sins" in infant baptism.根据奥古斯丁， coelestius不接受“减免捷联惯导系统”在婴儿的洗礼。 Such an assertion of "innocence" of newborn babies denied the basic relationship in which all men stand "since Adam."这样一个断言， “无罪推定”的新生婴儿否认的基本关系，在这种关系的所有男性的立场： “自亚当” 。 It was claiming that unredeemed man is sound and free to do all good.它声称未男子是健全和自由尽一切良好。 It was rendering salvation by Christ superfluous.这是渲染救亡由基督是多余的。
Augustine sent his own disciple Orosius to the East in an attempt to gain the condemnation of Pelagius.奥古斯丁发出自己的弟子orosius到东在试图获得谴责伯拉纠。 But in the East churchmen were unable to see anything more than an obstinate quarrel about trivialities.但在东方的牧师无法看到任何一个多顽固的争吵约trivialities 。 They acquitted Pelagius, a decision that infuriated the Africans, who turned toward Rome and compelled Pope Innocent I to expressly condemn the new heresy.他们被宣告无罪伯拉纠，这项决定激怒了非洲人，谁转向罗马和强迫诺森一至明确谴责新的异端。
The keystone of Pelagianism is the idea of man's unconditional free will and his moral responsibility. In creating man God did not subject him, like other creatures, to the law of nature but gave him the unique privilege of accomplishing the divine will by his own choice. 的基石，是佩拉纠学派的思想，人的无条件的自由意志与他的道义上的责任，在上帝创造的男子并没有受到他，像其他动物，以法律的性质，但给了他独特的特权，完成神的意志，他自己的选择。 This possibility of freely choosing the good entails the possibility of choosing evil.这个可能性，自由选择好需要的可能性，选择邪恶。
According to Pelagius there are three features in human action: power (posse), will (velle), and the realization (esse).据伯拉纠有三个特点，在人类的行动：电源（波塞） ，将（ velle ） ，和实现（ esse ） 。 The first comes exclusively from God; the other two belong to man.第一次来完全由上帝;其他两个属于男子。 Thus, as man acts, he merits praise or blame.因此，正如男子的行为，他的优点，赞美或指责。 Whatever his followers may have said, Pelagius himself held the conception of a divine law proclaiming to men what they ought to do and setting before them the prospect of supernatural rewards and punishments.无论他的追随者可能会说，伯拉纠自己举行的概念，神的法律，宣告男子，他们应该做的，并设置前，他们的前景超自然的奖惩。 If man enjoys freedom of choice, it is by the express bounty of his Creator; he ought to use it for those ends that God prescribes.如果男子享有选择的自由，这是由表达悬赏他的创作者，他应该用它来实现这些目标，神明。
The rest of Pelagianism flows from this central thought of freedom.其余的佩拉纠学派流动，从中央的这一思想的自由。 First, it rejects the idea that man's will has any intrinsic bias in favor of wrongdoing as a result of the fall.首先，它拒绝的观念，以人的意志有任何固有的偏见，有利于不法行为，由于秋季。 Since each soul is created immediately by God, as Pelagius believed, then it cannot come into the world soiled by original sin transmitted from Adam.因为每个灵魂，是创造，立即由上帝，因为伯拉纠相信，那便不能来融入世界粪原罪转交了从亚当。 Before a person begins exercising his will, "there is only in him what God has created."之前，一个人开始行使他的意志， “只有在他什么上帝创造了” 。 The effect of infant baptism, then, is not eternal life but "spiritual illumination, adoption as children of God, citizenship of the heavenly Jerusalem."影响婴儿的洗礼，那么，是不是永恒的生命，但“精神光照，通过儿童的上帝，公民的天上的耶路撒冷” 。
Second, Pelagius considers grace purely an external aid provided by God. He leaves no room for any special interior action of God upon the soul. 第二，伯拉纠认为的宽限期，纯粹是对外援助所提供的上帝。他离开房间并没有任何特殊的内部行动后，上帝的灵魂。 By "grace" Pelagius really means free will itself or the revelation of God's law through reason, instructing us in what we should do and holding out to us eternal sanctions.由“宽限期”伯拉纠的真正意义的自由意志本身或启示上帝的法律的通过，因此，指示我们在我们应该做的和控股给我们永恒的制裁。 Since this revelation has become obscured through evil customs, grace now includes the law of Moses and the teaching and example of Christ.由于这启示，已成为遮蔽通过邪恶的海关，宽限期，现在包括法，郑慕智及教学和基督的例子。
This grace is offered equally to all.这个宽限期是提供同样向所有。 God is no respecter of persons.上帝是没有尊重的人。 By merit alone men advance in holiness.由优异，仅男子事先在成圣。 God's predestination operates according to the quality of the lives God foresees men will lead.上帝的predestination运作，根据质量的生命，上帝预见的男子将导致。
Theologians often describe Pelagianism as a form of naturalism.神学家常常形容佩拉纠学派的一种形式，自然。 But this label scarcely does justice to its religious spirit.但这个标签几乎不公道，其宗教精神。 Defective though the system is in its recognition of man's weakness, it does reflect an awareness of man's high calling and the claims of the moral law.虽然有缺陷的制度是在承认人的弱点，它反映了一种认识人的高要求和索赔的道德律。 Yet Pelagianism's one - sidedness remains an inadequate interpretation of Christianity.然而，佩拉纠学派的一-的片面性，仍然是不足的解释基督教。 This was especially so after Coelestius pushed into the foreground the denial of original sin, the teaching that Adam was created mortal, and the idea that children are eligible for eternal life even without baptism.这是尤其如此后， coelestius推向前台否认的原罪，教学亚当创造了凡人，和的思想，儿童有资格获得永恒的生命，即使没有的洗礼。 This rosy view of human nature and inadequate understanding of divine grace was finally condemned in 431 at the Council of Ephesus.这美好的人性观和认识不足，神圣的恩典，终于在431谴责在安理会的以弗所。
BL
Shelley基本法雪莱
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)
（ elwell福音事工促进会，字典）
Bibliography
参考书目
G Bonner,
Augustine and Modern Research on Pelagianism; P Brown, Religion and Society in
the Age of St. Augustine; RF Evans, Pelagius: Inquiries and Reappraisals; J
Ferguson, Pelagius.克邦纳，奥古斯丁和现代研究佩拉纠学派;
p布朗，宗教和社会，时代的圣奥古斯丁;射频商务部长埃文斯，伯拉纠：查询和reappraisals ; j弗格森，伯拉纠。
Pelagianism received its name from Pelagius and designates a heresy of the fifth century, which denied original sin as well as Christian grace.佩拉纠学派收到它的名字从伯拉纠，并指定一个异端的第五世纪，无可否认的原罪，以及基督教的宽限期。
Life and Writings of Pelagius生活和著作伯拉纠
Apart from the chief episodes of the Pelagian controversy, little or nothing is known about the personal career of Pelagius.除了由行政发作的pelagian的争议，很少或没有已知的有关个人职业生涯的伯拉纠。 It is only after he bade a lasting farewell to Rome in AD 411 that the sources become more abundant; but from 418 on history is again silent about his person.这是他后，才八德持久告别罗马在广告411 ，该消息来源变得更加丰富;但是，从418的历史，又是沉默，他的人。 As St. Augustine (De peccat. orig., xxiv) testifies that he lived in Rome "for a very long time", we may presume that he resided there at least since the reign of Pope Anastasius (398-401).作为圣奥古斯丁（德peccat 。原始，二十四）证明，他住在罗马“一段很长的时间” ，我们可以假定他有居住至少以来的统治教宗斯达西（ 398-401 ） 。 But about his long life prior to the year 400 and above all about his youth, we are left wholly in the dark.但他的长寿命前一年400及以上的所有关于他的青年，我们是左完全在黑暗中摸索。 Even the country of his birth is disputed.即使该国在他出生是有争议的。 While the most trustworthy witnesses, such as Augustine, Orosius, Prosper, and Marius Mercator, are quite explicit in assigning Britain as his native country, as is apparent from his cognomen of Brito or Britannicus, Jerome (Praef. in Jerem., lib. I and III) ridicules him as a "Scot" (loc. cit., "habet enim progeniem Scoticae gentis de Britannorum vicinia"), who being "stuffed with Scottish porridge" (Scotorum pultibus proegravatus) suffers from a weak memory.而最值得信赖的证人，如奥古斯丁， orosius ，繁荣，马里尤斯麦卡托投影，是相当明确的指派英国作为他的故乡，很明显，从他的cognomen的布里托或布瑞坦尼卡斯，杰罗姆（ praef.在耶雷姆，库。我和三）嘲笑他作为一个“逍遥法外” （ loc.引文中， “ habet enim progeniem scoticae gentis德britannorum vicinia ” ） ，谁被“填充与苏格兰稀饭” （ scotorum pultibus proegravatus ）患有弱的记忆。 Rightly arguing that the "Scots" of those days were really the Irish, H. Zimmer ("Pelagius in Ireland", p.20, Berlin, 1901) has advanced weighty reasons for the hypothesis that the true home of Pelagius must be sought in Ireland, and that he journeyed through the southwest of Britain to Rome.正确地说， “苏格兰人”的那些日子真的是，爱尔兰，每小时吉玛（ “伯拉纠在爱尔兰” ，临20 ，柏林， 1901 ）拥有先进的份量原因的假说认为，真正的家伯拉纠，必须寻求在爱尔兰，和他journeyed通过西南英国的罗马。 Tall in stature and portly in appearance (Jerome, loc. cit., "grandis et corpulentus"), Pelagius was highly educated, spoke and wrote Latin as well as Greek with great fluency and was well versed in theology.高大的地位和portly在外观上（杰罗姆，在上述引文中， “格兰迪等corpulentus ” ） ，伯拉纠是受过高深教育，以写拉丁美洲以及希腊与伟大的流利程度，是熟悉在神学。 Though a monk and consequently devoted to practical asceticism, he never was a cleric; for both Orosius and Pope Zosimus simply call him a "layman".虽然出家，并因此专门讨论实际禁欲主义，他从来没有被一名神职人员;都orosius和教宗卓西姆干脆称呼他为“门外汉” 。 In Rome itself he enjoyed the reputation of austerity, while St. Augustine called him even a "saintly man", vir sanctus: with St. Paulinus of Nola (405) and other prominent bishops, he kept up an edifying correspondence, which he used later for his personal defence.在罗马，他本身所享有的声誉紧缩，而圣奥古斯丁所谓的他，甚至“ saintly人” ，维尔sanctus ：与圣paulinus的诺拉（ 405 ）和其他著名的主教，他一直了一个有启发性的对应，这是他用稍后他个人辩护。
During his sojourn in Rome he composed several works: "De fide Trinitatis libri III", now lost, but extolled by Gennadius as "indispensable reading matter for students"; "Eclogarum ex divinis Scripturis liber unus", in the main collection of Bible passages based on Cyprian's "Testimoniorum libri III", of which St. Augustine has preserved a number of fragments; "Commentarii in epistolas S. Pauli", elaborated no doubt before the destruction of Rome by Alaric (410) and known to St. Augustine in 412.在他逗留在罗马，他组成的若干著作： “德真正trinitatis书三” ，现在失去了，但捧gennadius作为“必不可少的事，读的学生” ; “ eclogarum前divinis scripturis liber unus ” ，在主要收集圣经通道基于对塞浦路斯的“ testimoniorum书三” ，其中圣奥古斯丁保留了若干片段; “ commentarii在epistolas美国保利” ，阐述了毫无疑问，前销毁罗马由阿拉利（ 410 ）和众所周知的圣奥古斯丁在412 。 Zimmer (loc. cit.) deserves credit for having rediscovered in this commentary on St. Paul the original work of Pelagius, which had, in the course of time, been attributed to St. Jerome (PL, XXX, 645-902).吉玛（ loc.创新科技署署长） 。功劳经发现，在这方面的评论圣保禄原来的工作伯拉纠，其中，在这个过程中的时间，被归咎于圣杰罗姆（特等，第XXX号645-902 ） 。 A closer examination of this work, so suddenly become famous, brought to light the fact that it contained the fundamental ideas which the Church afterwards condemned as "Pelagian heresy".密切审查这方面的工作，所以突然成为著名的，所揭示的事实，即它包含的基本概念，教会事后谴责为“ pelagian邪” 。 In it Pelagius denied the primitive state in paradise and original sin (cf. PL, XXX, 678, "Insaniunt, qui de Adam per traducem asserunt ad nos venire peccatum"), insisted on the naturalness of concupiscence and the death of the body, and ascribed the actual existence and universality of sin to the bad example which Adam set by his first sin.在伯拉纠否认它的原始状态在天堂和原罪（参见特等，第XXX号678 “ ， insaniunt ， qui德亚当％ traducem asserunt广告数venire peccatum ” ） ，坚持自然concupiscence和死亡的身体，和归因于实际的存在性和普遍性的单仲偕向坏的榜样，其中亚当所订的，他的第一单。 As all his ideas were chiefly rooted in the old, pagan philosophy, especially in the popular system of the Stoics, rather than in Christianity, he regarded the moral strength of man's will (liberum arbitrium), when steeled by asceticism, as sufficient in itself to desire and to attain the loftiest ideal of virtue.作为他的所有想法，主要是植根于旧的，异教的哲学，尤其是在流行的系统的stoics ，而不是在基督教，他认为，道德力量以人的意志为（ liberum arbitrium ） ，当steeled由禁欲主义，在本身有足够的以愿望和要达到的最高理想的美德。 The value of Christ's redemption was, in his opinion, limited mainly to instruction (doctrina) and example (exemplum), which the Saviour threw into the balance as a counterweight against Adam's wicked example, so that nature retains the ability to conquer sin and to gain eternal life even without the aid of grace.价值基督的救赎是，在他看来，主要限于教学（ doctrina ）和范例（ exemplum ） ，其中救世主投掷到平衡作为抗衡对亚当的邪恶的例子，所以这种性质的保留能力征服单仲偕和获得永恒的生命，即使没有援助的宽限期。 By justification we are indeed cleansed of our personal sins through faith alone (loc. cit., 663, "per solam fidem justificat Deus impium convertendum"), but this pardon (gratia remissionis) implies no interior renovation of sanctification of the soul.由理由，我们确实清洗我们的捷联惯导系统，通过个人的信仰，仅（ loc.引文中， 663 ， “每solam fidem justificat deus impium convertendum ” ） ，但这个赦免（特惠remissionis ）意味着没有内部的改造成圣的灵魂。 How far the sola-fides doctrine "had no stouter champion before Luther than Pelagius" and whether, in particular, the Protestant conception of fiducial faith dawned upon him many centuries before Luther, as Loofs ("Realencyklopädies fur protest. Theologie", XV, 753, Leipzig, 1904) assumes, probably needs more careful investigation.多远的SOLA -菲德斯学说“没有stouter冠军之前，路德比伯拉纠” ，以及是否，尤其是基督教的概念，置信信仰的曙光后，他的许多世纪之前，路德，作为loofs （ “ realencyklopädies毛皮抗议。 theologie ” ，十五， 753 ，莱比锡， 1904 ）假设，可能需要更仔细的调查。 For the rest, Pelagius would have announced nothing new by this doctrine, since the Antinomists of the early Apostolic Church were already familiar with "justification by faith alone" (cf. JUSTIFICATION); on the other hand, Luther's boast of having been the first to proclaim the doctrine of abiding faith, might well arouse opposition.为休息，伯拉纠会已宣布没有新的由这一学说，自antinomists的早期使徒教会已经非常熟悉“的理由，信仰单” （见的理由） ;另一方面，路德的夸耀经过第一宣布学说守法的信念，很可能会引起反对。 However, Pelagius insists expressly (loc. cit. 812), "Ceterum sine operibus fidei, non legis, mortua est fides".不过，伯拉纠坚持明文（ loc.创新科技署署长。 812 ） ， “ ceterum正弦operibus信，非的立法， mortua预测目的” 。 But the commentary on St. Paul is silent on one chief point of doctrine, ie the significance of infant baptism, which supposed that the faithful were even then clearly conscious of the existence of original sin in children.但评注圣保禄是沉默，对一行政点的学说，即意义婴儿的洗礼，假定忠实，甚至那么清楚意识到的存在，原罪在儿童。
To explain psychologically Pelagius's whole line of thought, it does not suffice to go back to the ideal of the wise man, which he fashioned after the ethical principles of the Stoics and upon which his vision was centred.解释心理伯拉纠的整体思路，但这是不足够的要回去理想的智者，他过时后的伦理原则的stoics后，他的设想是中心。 We must also take into account that his intimacy with the Greeks developed in him, though unknown to himself, a one-sidedness, which at first sight appears pardonable.我们也必须顾及，他的亲密与希腊人发达国家在他身上，虽然未知的自己，一个片面性，这乍看起来似乎pardonable 。 The gravest error into which he and the rest of the Pelagians fell, was that they did not submit to the doctrinal decisions of the Church.最严重的错误到，他和其余的pelagians下跌，是因为他们没有向理论的决定教会。 While the Latins had emphasized the guilt rather than its punishment, as the chief characteristic of original sin, the Greeks on the other hand (even Chrysostom) laid greater stress on the punishment than on the guilt.而拉丁美洲强调了罪恶感，而非处罚，作为行政的特点，原罪，希腊人在另一方面（甚至金口）奠定了更大的应激对处罚比对是否有罪。 Theodore of Mopsuestia went even so far as to deny the possibility of original guilt and consequently the penal character of the death of the body.西奥多的摩普绥提亚到，即使如此，据以否定的可能性，原有的罪恶感，因此刑法的性质死亡的尸体。 Besides, at that time, the doctrine of Christian grace was everywhere vague and undefined; even the West was convinced of nothing more than that some sort of assistance was necessary to salvation and was given gratuitously, while the nature of this assistance was but little understood.此外，在这个时候，基督教的教义的宽限期，到处是模糊和不确定的，即使西方确信，从无到有，较某种形式的援助是必要的救赎，并给予无偿，而性质，这种援助，但很少理解。 In the East, moreover, as an offset to widespread fatalism, the moral power and freedom of the will were at times very strongly or even too strongly insisted on assisting grace being spoken of more frequently than preventing grace (see GRACE).在东部地区，此外，由于一，抵销了广泛的宿命论，道德力量和自由意志的人，有时非常强烈，甚至过于强烈，坚持协助的宽限期，正在发言的次数多于防止宽限期（见宽限期） 。 It was due to the intervention of St. Augustine and the Church, that greater clearness was gradually reached in the disputed questions and that the first impulse was given towards a more careful development of the dogmas of original sin and grace.这是因为干预和圣奥古斯丁教堂，更大的晴空，逐步达到在有争议的问题，并指出，第一冲动是鉴于迈向一个更仔细的发展，教条的原罪和恩典。
Pelagius and Caelestius (411-415)伯拉纠和caelestius （ 411-415 ）
Of far-reaching influence upon the further progress of Pelagianism was the friendship which Pelagius contracted in Rome with Caelestius, a lawyer of noble (probably Italian) descent.深远的影响后，进一步的进展佩拉纠学派是友谊伯拉纠合同在罗马与caelestius ，一名律师的高尚（也许是意大利）后裔。 A eunuch by birth, but endowed with no mean talents, Caelestius had been won over to asceticism by his enthusiasm for the monastic life, and in the capacity of a lay-monk he endeavoured to convert the practical maxims learnt from Pelagius, into theoretical principles, which successfully propagated in Rome. 1太监，因出生，但天赋没有意思人才， caelestius已赢得超过以禁欲主义的热情，他为寺院的生活，并且在能力1裁员和尚，他努力转换为实际的格言据悉，从伯拉纠，把理论原则，其中成功繁殖在罗马。 St. Augustine, while charging Pelagius with mysteriousness, mendacity, and shrewdness, calls Caelestius (De peccat. orig., xv) not only "incredibly loquacious", but also open-hearted, obstinate, and free in social intercourse.圣奥古斯丁，而收费伯拉纠与mysteriousness ，谎言，和民族解放，呼吁caelestius （德peccat 。原始， XV ）号决议，不仅“令人难以置信的1000 ” ，而且还打开心，顽固性，并免费在社会交往。 Even if their secret or open intrigues did not escape notice, still the two friends were not molested by the official Roman circles.即使他们的秘密或公开的阴谋没有逃生的通知，仍是两位朋友，没有性骚扰由官方罗马界。 But matters changed when in 411 they left the hospitable soil of the metropolis, which had been sacked by Alaric (410), and set sail for North Africa.但事情改变时，在411他们离开好客的土壤的大都市，已被解职，由阿拉利（ 410 ） ，并设置驶向北非。 When they landed on the coast near Hippo, Augustine, the bishop of that city, was absent, being fully occupied in settling the Donatist disputes in Africa.当他们降落在海岸附近的河马，奥古斯丁，主教城市，缺席，得到充分的被占领，在解决争端的多纳图派是在非洲。 Later, he met Pelagius in Carthage several times, without, however, coming into closer contact with him.后来，他会见了伯拉纠在迦太基数倍，没有，不过，未来的紧密联系。 After a brief sojourn in North Africa, Pelagius travelled on to Palestine, while Caelestius tried to have himself made a presbyter in Carthage.经过短暂的逗留在北非，伯拉纠游，对巴勒斯坦，而caelestius试图有自己作出了presbyter在迦太基。 But this plan was frustrated by the deacon Paulinus of Milan, who submitted to the bishop, Aurelius, a memorial in which six theses of Caelestius -- perhaps literal extracts from his lost work "Contra traducem peccati" -- were branded as heretical.但这一计划感到很失望，由执事paulinus的米兰，谁提交给主教，奥里利乌斯，一个纪念碑，其中6论文caelestius -也许字面的提取物，他失去了工作的“魂斗罗t raducemp eccati” -被称为邪教。 These theses ran as follows:这些论文然如下：
Even if Adam had not sinned, he would have died.即使亚当没有罪，他将已经死亡。
Adam's sin harmed only himself, not the human race.亚当的单仲偕伤害只有自己，而不是人类。
Children just born are in the same state as Adam before his fall.孩子刚出生，是在同一国家作为亚当之前，他的下降。
The whole human race neither dies through Adam's sin or death, nor rises again through the resurrection of Christ.整个人类都去世通过亚当的单或死亡，也没有上升，再次通过救世主的复活。
The (Mosaic Law) is as good a guide to heaven as the Gospel. （马赛克法）是良好的指南天堂福音。
Even before the advent of Christ there were men who were without sin.甚至之前的来临，基督有男子谁是没有罪。
On account of these doctrines, which clearly contain the quintessence of Pelagianism, Caelestius was summoned to appear before a synod at Carthage (411); but he refused to retract them, alleging that the inheritance of Adam's sin was an open question and hence its denial was no heresy.考虑到这些学说，它清楚地包含的精髓，佩拉纠学派， caelestius被传召出庭前主教在迦太基（ 411 ） ;但他拒绝收回他们，声称继承亚当的单仲偕是一个开放的问题，因此其拒绝没有异端。 As a result he was not only excluded from ordination, but his six theses were condemned.因此，他不排除只从统筹，但他的6篇论文的谴责。 He declared his intention of appealing to the pope in Rome, but without executing his design went to Ephesus in Asia Minor, where he was ordained a priest.他宣布，他打算呼吁教宗在罗马，但没有执行他的设计到以弗所在小亚细亚，在那里他被祝圣司铎。
Meanwhile the Pelagian ideas had infected a wide area, especially around Carthage, so that Augustine and other bishops were compelled to take a resolute stand against them in sermons and private conversations.与此同时， pelagian思想感染了广泛的地区，特别是靠近迦太基，使奥古斯丁和其他主教被强迫采取坚决的立场，对他们在布道和私人的交谈。 Urged by his friend Marcellinus, who "daily endured the most annoying debates with the erring brethren", St. Augustine in 412 wrote the famous works: "De peccatorum meritis et remissione libri III" (PL, XLIV, 109 sqq.) and "De spiritu et litera" (ibid., 201 sqq.), in which he positively established the existence of original sin, the necessity of infant baptism, the impossibility of a life without sin, and the necessity of interior grace (spiritus) in opposition to the exterior grace of the law (litera).呼吁由他的朋友马尔，谁“每日经历了最恼人的辩论与erring兄弟” ，圣奥古斯丁在412写了著名的著作： “德peccatorum meritis等remissione书三” （特等，四十四， 109 sqq 。 ）和“德spiritu等litera “ （同上， 201 sqq ） ，他在其中积极既定的存在，原罪，必要性，婴儿的洗礼，是不可能的生活，而不单仲偕，和必要性内部的宽限期（ spiritus ）在反对党向外部的恩典，法律（ litera ） 。 When in 414 disquieting rumours arrived from Sicily and the so-called "Definitiones Caelestii" (reconstructed in Garnier, "Marii Mercatoris Opera", I, 384 sqq., Paris, 1673), said to be the work of Caelestius, were sent to him, he at once (414 or 415) published the rejoinder, "De perfectione justitiae hominis" (PL, XLIV, 291 sqq.), in which he again demolished the illusion of the possibility of complete freedom from sin.当在414令人不安的谣言，从抵达西西里岛和所谓的“ definitiones caelestii ” （重建在卡尼尔， “ marii mercatoris歌剧” ，我， 384 sqq 。巴黎， 1673年） ，说是工作caelestius ，被送往他时，他在一次（ 414或415 ）公布答辩， “德perfectione justitiae hominis ” （特等，四十四， 291 sqq ） ，他在其中再次拆卸的假象的可能性完全的行动自由，由单仲偕。 Out of charity and in order to win back the erring the more effectually, Augustine, in all these writings, never mentioned the two authors of the heresy by name.出于慈善，并为了赢回erring更有效，奥古斯丁，在所有这些著作，从来没有提到两位作者的异端的名字。 Meanwhile Pelagius, who was sojourning in Palestine, did not remain idle; to a noble Roman virgin, named Demetrias, who at Alaric's coming had fled to Carthage, he wrote a letter which is still extant (in PL, XXX, 15-45) and in which he again inculcated his Stoic principles of the unlimited energy of nature.同时伯拉纠，谁是sojourning在巴勒斯坦，不留空闲;一项崇高的罗马维尔京，命名为demetrias ，谁在阿拉利的未来已经逃到迦太基，他写了一封信，这仍是现存的（在临时立法会，第XXX号15-45 ）和他在其中再次灌输他的stoic的原则，无限能量的性质。 Moreover, he published in 415 a work, now lost, "De natura", in which he attempted to prove his doctrine from authorities, appealing not only to the writings of Hilary and Ambrose, but also to the earlier works of Jerome and Augustine, both of whom were still alive.此外，他发表了在415的工作，现在失去了， “时点的Natura ” ，其中他试图证明他的学说，从当局，呼吁不仅对著作希拉里和刘汉铨，而且还较早的作品，杰罗姆和奥古斯丁，他们两人都还活着。 The latter answered at once (415) by his treatise "De natura et gratia" (PL, XLIV, 247 sqq.).后者回答了一次（ 415 ） ，由他的论文“时点的Natura等特惠” （特等，四十四， 247 sqq ） 。 Jerome, however, to whom Augustine's pupil Orosius, a Spanish priest, personally explained the danger of the new heresy, and who had been chagrined by the severity with which Pelagius had criticized his commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians, thought the time ripe to enter the lists; this he did by his letter to Ctesiphon (Ep. cxxliii) and by his graceful "Dialogus contra Pelagianos" (PL, XXIII, 495 sqq.).杰罗姆，但是，向谁奥古斯丁的学生orosius ，一名西班牙神父，亲自解释的危险，新的异端，谁已chagrined由严重性与伯拉纠曾批评他的评论对书信向以弗所书，认为时间已经成熟进入名单;这他，他写信给泰西封（ ep. cxxliii ）和他的优美的“ dialogus孔特拉pelagianos ” （特等，二十三， 495 sqq ） 。 He was assisted by Orosius, who, forthwith accused Pelagius in Jerusalem of heresy.他的协助下orosius ，谁，随即被告伯拉纠在耶路撒冷的异端。 Thereupon, Bishop John of Jerusalem "dearly loved" (St. Augustine, "Ep. clxxix") Pelagius and had him at the time as his guest.于是，主教约翰耶路撒冷的“爱的代价” （圣奥古斯丁“的EP 。 clxxix ” ）伯拉纠，并已在他的时间，作为他的客户。 He convoked in July, 415, a diocesan council for the investigation of the charge.他召集了在7月， 415 ，教区会的调查费用。 The proceedings were hampered by the fact that Orosius, the accusing party, did not understand Greek and had engaged a poor interpreter, while the defendant Pelagius was quite able to defend himself in Greek and uphold his orthodoxy.诉讼受到阻碍的事实， orosius ，指责党，不明白希腊文和曾从事一个贫穷的口译员，而被告伯拉纠是相当能为自己辩护，在希腊和坚持，他的正统。 However, according to the personal account (written at the close of 415) of Orosius (Liber apolog. contra Pelagium, PL, XXXI, 1173), the contesting parties at last agreed to leave the final judgment on all questions to the Latins, since both Pelagius and his adversaries were Latins, and to invoke the decision of Innocent I; meanwhile silence was imposed on both parties.不过，根据个人账户（书面结束时， 415 ） orosius （ liber apolog 。孔特拉pelagium ，特等，三十一， 1173年） ，争议各方终于同意离开的最后判决对所有问题提交给该拉丁美洲，自双方伯拉纠和他的对手分别为拉丁美洲，并引用的决定，无辜的;同时沉默是强加给双方。
But Pelagius was granted only a short respite.但伯拉纠是理所当然的只是短期的喘息。 For in the very same year, the Gallic bishops, Heros of Arles and Lazarus of Aix, who, after the defeat of the usurper Constantine (411), had resigned their bishoprics and gone to Palestine, brought the matter before Bishop Eulogius of Caesarea, with the result that the latter summoned Pelagius in December, 415, before a synod of fourteen bishops, held in Diospolis, the ancient Lydda.为在非常同年，没食子主教，英雄的阿尔勒和拉撒路艾克斯，谁后，失败的篡权君士坦丁（ 411 ） ，已辞去其bishoprics和到巴勒斯坦，带来的问题之前，主教eulogius的该撒利亚，其结果是，后者传唤伯拉纠在12月， 415 ，前主教会议的主教们14日举行的在diospolis ，古代lydda 。 But fortune again favoured the heresiarch.但财富再次赞成heresiarch 。 About the proceedings and the issue we are exceptionally well informed through the account of St. Augustine, "De gestis Pelagii" (PL, XLIV, 319 sqq.), written in 417 and based on the acts of the synod.有关程序和问题，我们是异常地好，通知通过帐户的圣奥古斯丁， “德gestis pelagii ” （特等，四十四， 319 sqq ） ，写在417的基础上，行为的主教。 Pelagius punctually obeyed the summons, but the principal complainants, Heros and Lazarus, failed to make their appearance, one of them being prevented by ill-health.伯拉纠准时服从传票，但主要的投诉，英雄和拉撒路，未能做出自己的外观，其中一人被阻止健康欠佳。 And as Orosius, too, derided and persecuted by Bishop John of Jerusalem, had departed, Pelagius met no personal plaintiff, while he found at the same time a skillful advocate in the deacon Anianus of Celeda (cf. Hieronym., "Ep. cxliii", ed. Vallarsi, I, 1067).作为orosius ，也嘲笑和迫害主教约翰在耶路撒冷，已离开，伯拉纠会见了没有个人原告，而他发现在同一时间，一善于主张在执事anianus的切莱达（参见hieronym 。 “的EP 。 cxliii “ ，教育署。 vallarsi ，我， 1067年） 。 The principal points of the petition were translated by an interpreter into Greek and read only in an extract.主要点的请愿书被翻译口译成希腊，并宣读了只有在一物。 Pelagius, having won the good-will of the assembly by reading to them some private letters of prominent bishops among them one of Augustine (Ep. cxlvi) -- began to explain away and disprove the various accusations.伯拉纠，赢得了良好的意愿，大会通过阅读他们的一些私人信件的突出主教，其中之一的奥古斯丁（ ep. cxlvi ） -开始解释和反证的各项指控。 Thus from the charge that he made the possibility of a sinless life solely dependent on free will, he exonerated himself by saying that, on the contrary, he required the help of God (adjutorium Dei) for it, though by this he meant nothing else than the grace of creation (gratia creationis).因此，从收费，他作出的可能性一sinless生活完全依靠自由意志，他自己的清白说，相反，他需要上帝的帮助（ adjutorium dei ） ，虽由这，他的意思没有别的超过宽限期创作（特惠creationis ） 。 Of other doctrines with which he had been charged, he said that, formulated as they were in the complaint, they did not originate from him, but from Caelestius, and that he also repudiated them.其他学说与他已被落案控，他说，制定的，因为他们在投诉，他们没有源于他的意思，但由caelestius ，而且他还推翻了他们。 After the hearing there was nothing left for the synod but to discharge the defendant and to announce him as worthy of communion with the Church.听证会后有没有留给主教，但履行被告，并宣布他为值得共融与教会。 The Orient had now spoken twice and had found nothing to blame in Pelagius, because he had hidden his real sentiments from his judges.东方现在已经两次发言，并没有发现任何的责任在伯拉纠，因为他隐藏其真正的情绪，从他的法官。
Continuation and End of Controversy (415-418)继续和年底的争议（ 415-418 ）
The new acquittal of Pelagius did not fail to cause excitement and alarm in North Africa, whither Orosius had hastened in 416 with letters from Bishops Heros and Lazarus.新无罪释放伯拉纠没有失败引起的兴奋和恐慌在北非，着orosius已赶紧在416与信由Bishops英雄和拉撒路。 To parry the blow, something decisive had to be done.到帕里的冲击，一些决定性不得不这样做。 In autumn, 416, 67 bishops from Proconsular Africa assembled in a synod at Carthage, which was presided over by Aurelius, while fifty-nine bishops of the ecclesiastical province of Numidia, to which the See of Hippo, St. Augustine's see belonged, held a synod in Mileve.在秋天， 416 ， 67岁的主教由proconsular非洲组装在一个主教在迦太基，这是主持由奥里利乌斯，而59主教教会省努米底亚，而看到的河马，圣奥古斯丁的看到属于举行一主教在mileve 。 In both places the doctrines of Pelagius and Caelestius were again rejected as contradictory to the Catholic faith.在两地的理论伯拉纠和caelestius再次拒绝作为矛盾的天主教信仰。 However, in order to secure for their decisions "the authority of the Apostolic See", both synods wrote to Innocent I, requesting his supreme sanction.不过，为了争取他们的决定“的权威，使徒见” ，双方主教写信给无辜的，我要求他的最高制裁。 And in order to impress upon him more strongly the seriousness of the situation, five bishops (Augustine, Aurelius, Alypius, Evodius, and Possidius) forwarded to him a joint letter, in which they detailed the doctrine of original sin, infant baptism, and Christian grace (St. Augustine, "Epp. clxxv-vii"). ，并为了留下深刻的印象后，他更强烈地局势的严重性， 5主教（奥古斯丁，奥勒留， alypius ， evodius ， possidius ）转发给他的联名信，他们在其中详细的理论原罪，婴儿的洗礼，和基督教恩典（圣奥古斯丁， “资源增值计划。 clxxv七” ） 。 In three separate epistles, dated 27 Jan., 417, the pope answered the synodal letters of Carthage and Mileve as well as that of the five bishops (Jaffé, "Regest.", 2nd ed., nn. 321-323, Leipzig, 1885).在三个不同的书信，日期1月27日， 417 ，教宗回答了主教的信迦太基和mileve以及这五个主教（ jaffé ， “ regest ” ，第二版，神经网络。 321-323 ，莱比锡， 1885年） 。 Starting from the principle that the resolutions of provincial synods have no binding force until they are confirmed by the supreme authority of the Apostolic See, the pope developed the Catholic teaching on original sin and grace, and excluded Pelagius and Caelestius, who were reported to have rejected these doctrines, form communion with the Church until they should come to their senses (donec resipiscant).从原则的决议，省主教有没有约束力，直至他们证实的最高权威使徒见，教宗发达天主教教学对原罪和恩典，和被排斥的伯拉纠和caelestius ，谁据报有驳回了这些教条，形式共融与教会，直到他们应该来他们的感官（ donec resipiscant ） 。 In Africa, where the decision was received with unfeigned joy, the whole controversy was now regarded as closed, and Augustine, on 23 September, 417, announced from the pulpit (Serm., cxxxi, 10 in PL, XXXVIII, 734), "Jam de hac causa duo concilia missa sunt ad Sedem apostolicam, inde etiam rescripta venerunt; causa finita est".在非洲，那里的决定，得到了unfeigned的喜悦，整个争议的是，现在被视为封闭，和奥古斯丁， 9月23日， 417宣布，从讲坛（ serm. ， cxxxi ，在10个特等，三十八， 734 ） ， “果酱德的HAc的原因，两人concilia弥撒必须遵守广告sedem apostolicam ，独立不错rescripta venerunt ;病因finita预测“ 。 (Two synods having written to the Apostolic See about this matter; the replies have come back; the question is settled.) But he was mistaken; the matter was not yet settled. （二主教会议后，以书面向使徒看到这件事;答复回来;问题是解决。 ） ，但他是错误的;此事尚未解决。
Innocent I died on 12 March, 417, and Zosimus, a Greek by birth, succeeded him. i无辜死亡， 3月12日， 417 ，和卓西姆，希腊，因出生，他的成功。 Before his tribunal the whole Pelagian question was now opened once more and discussed in all its bearings.之前，他的法庭，整个pelagian问题是现在开更多，并讨论了在其所有轴承。 The occasion for this was the statements which both Pelagius and Caelestius submitted to the Roman See in order to justify themselves.值此为，这是报表都伯拉纠和caelestius提交给罗马看到，在以证明自己。 Though the previous decisions of Innocent I had removed all doubts about the matter itself, yet the question of the persons involved was undecided, viz.虽然先前的决定无辜的，我删除了所有怀疑此事本身，但问题的人所涉及的悬而未决，即。 Did Pelagius and Caelestius really teach the theses condemned as heretical?没有伯拉纠和caelestius真的教导论文谴责为异端邪说呢？ Zosimus' sense of justice forbade him to punish anyone with excommunication before he was duly convicted of his error.卓西姆'秉行公义不准他要惩罚任何人与绝罚之前，他被正式定罪，他的错误。 And if the steps recently taken by the two defendants were considered, the doubts which might arise on this point were not wholly groundless.如果步骤，最近所采取的两名被告被认为是，怀疑其中可能出现在这一点上并没有完全毫无根据的。 In 416 Pelagius had published a new work, now lost, "De libero arbitrio libri IV", which in its phraseology seemed to verge towards the Augustinian conception of grace and infant baptism, even if in principle it did not abandon the author's earlier standpoint.在416伯拉纠发表了一份新的工作，现在失去了， “时点的Libero arbitrio四书” ，在其用语似乎濒临对奥古斯丁的概念，宽限期和婴儿的洗礼，即使在原则上它没有放弃作者的先前的立场。 Speaking of Christian grace, he admitted not only a Divine revelation, but also a sort of interior grace, viz.在谈到基督教的恩典，他也承认不仅是一个神圣的启示，而且是一种内部的宽限期，即。 an illumination of the mind (through sermons, reading of the Bible, etc.), adding, however, that the latter served not to make salutary works possible, but only to facilitate their performance. 1照明的心（通过说教，读的圣经等） ，加入，不过，后者的服务不作有益的工程可能，但只有以方便他们的工作表现。 As to infant baptism he granted that it ought to be administered in the same form as in the case of adults, not in order to cleanse the children from a real original guilt, but to secure to them entrance into the "kingdom of God".至于婴儿的洗礼，他理所当然地认为它应该加以管理，相同的形式，在案件的成年人，而不是为了净化孩子们从一个真正的原有罪，但以确保他们进入“上帝的王国” 。 Unbaptized children, he thought, would after their death be excluded from the "kingdom of God", but not from "eternal life". unbaptized儿童，他认为，会后，他们的死亡被排除在“上帝的王国” ，而不是从“永恒的生命” 。
This work, together with a still extant confession of faith, which bears witness to his childlike obedience, Pelagius sent to Rome, humbly begging at the same time that chance inaccuracies might be corrected by him who "holds the faith and see of Peter".这方面的工作，再加上仍然现存的供认的信仰，见证他的小孩子服从，伯拉纠发送到罗马，谦虚地行乞，在同一时间，这样的机会可能不准确的予以纠正，他谁“拥有的信仰和见彼得” 。 All this was addressed to Innocent I, of whose death Pelagius had not yet heard.所有这是给无辜的，我对他们的死亡伯拉纠尚未听到。 Caelestius, also, who meanwhile had changed his residence from Ephesus to Constantinople, but had been banished thence by the anti-Pelagian Bishop Atticus, took active steps toward his own rehabilitation. caelestius ，同时，谁同时改变了他的住所，从以弗所到君士坦丁堡，但已被流放再由反pelagian主教atticus ，采取了积极步骤，对自己的康复。 In 417 he went to Rome in person and laid at the feet of Zosimus a detailed confession of faith (Fragments, PL, XLV, 1718), in which he affirmed his belief in all doctrines, "from the Trinity of one God to the resurrection of the dead" (cf. St. Augustine, "De peccato orig.", xxiii).在417 ，他到罗马的人，奠定了在脚卓西姆详细供认的信仰（片段，特等， xlv ， 1718年） ，他在其中肯定，他相信在所有的学说， “从三位一体的一上帝的复活该已死“ （参见圣奥古斯丁， ”德peccato原始“ ，二十三） 。
Highly pleased with this Catholic faith and obedience, Zosimus sent two different letters (PL, XLV, 1719 sqq.) to the African bishops, saying that in the case of Caelestius Bishops Heros and Lazarus had proceeded without due circumspection, and that Pelagius too, as was proved by his recent confession of faith, had not swerved from the Catholic truth.非常高兴与这天主教的信仰和服从，卓西姆发出两个不同的字母（特等， xlv ， 1719 sqq ）向非洲的主教们说，在该案件caelestius主教英雄和拉撒路已着手未经适当谨慎，并伯拉纠太，作为证明了他最近的供认的信念，没有swerved从天主教的真理。 As to Caelestius, who was then in Rome, the pope charged the Africans either to revise their former sentence or to convict him of heresy in his own (the pope's) presence within two months.至于caelestius ，谁当时在罗马，教宗被控非洲人要么修改其前的句子或定罪，他的异端邪说在他自己的（教宗）的存在，在两个月内。 The papal command struck Africa like a bomb-shell.教皇指挥这场非洲就像一个炸弹壳。 In great haste a synod was convened at Carthage in November, 417, and writing to Zosimus, they urgently begged him not to rescind the sentence which his predecessor, Innocent I, had pronounced against Pelagius and Caelestius, until both had confessed the necessity of interior grace for all salutary thoughts, words, and deeds.在匆匆一主教会议召开迦太基11月， 417 ，并以书面形式向卓西姆，他们迫切，乞求他不要撤销一句是他的前任，无辜的，我已明显对伯拉纠和caelestius ，直到双方已供认的必要性内部宽限期为所有有益的思想，言论，和事迹。 At last Zosimus came to a halt.在去年卓西姆来停顿下来。 By a rescript of 21 March, 418, he assured them that he had not yet pronounced definitively, but that he was transmitting to Africa all documents bearing on Pelagianism in order to pave the way for a new, joint investigation.由rescript 3月21日， 418 ，他向他们保证，他还没有最终宣判，但他是转递到非洲的所有文件，事关佩拉纠学派在以铺平道路，一个新的联合调查。 Pursuant to the papal command, there was held on 1 May, 418, in the presence of 200 bishops, the famous Council of Carthage, which again branded Pelagianism as a heresy in eight (or nine) canons (Denzinger, "Enchir.", 10th ed., 1908, 101-8).根据教皇的命令，有5月1日举行， 418 ，在该律师在场的200名主教，著名的迦太基会，再次品牌佩拉纠学派作为一个异端在8 （或9 ）炮（登青格， “ enchir 。 ” ，第十版， 1908年， 101-8 ） 。 Owing to their importance they may be summarized:由于其重要性，他们可概括：
Death did not come to Adam from a physical necessity, but through sin.死亡不来亚当从身体的必要性，而是通过单仲偕。
New-born children must be baptized on account of original sin.新出生的孩子必须的洗礼，对帐户的原罪。
Justifying grace not only avails for the forgiveness of past sins, but also gives assistance for the avoidance of future sins.有理由的宽限期，不仅援用为宽恕过去的捷联惯导系统，但也给援助，为避免未来的捷联惯导系统。
The grace of Christ not only discloses the knowledge of God's commandments, but also imparts strength to will and execute them.的恩典，基督不仅披露了知识，上帝的诫命，但也imparts力量的意志和执行。
Without God's grace it is not merely more difficult, but absolutely impossible to perform good works.没有上帝的恩典它不仅是更多的困难，但绝对不可能履行的优秀作品。
Not out of humility, but in truth must we confess ourselves to be sinners.不是出于谦逊，但在真理，我们必须承认，自己被罪人。
The saints refer the petition of the Our Father, "Forgive us our trespasses", not only to others, but also to themselves.圣人是指请愿书的父亲， “宽恕我们的过犯” ，这不仅是为了他人，而且还自己。
The saints pronounce the same supplication not from mere humility, but from truthfulness.圣徒的发音相同supplication不已从单纯的谦卑，但由真。
Some codices containing a ninth canon (Denzinger, loc. cit., note 3): Children dying without baptism do not go to a "middle place" (medius locus), since the non reception of baptism excludes both from the "kingdom of heaven" and from "eternal life".一些codices载有第九届佳能（登青格，在上述引文中，注3 ） ：死亡的儿童没有洗礼，不去“中的地方” （ medius轨迹） ，由于非接收的洗礼，不包括从“天国“和从”永恒的生命“ 。
These clearly worded canons, which (except the last-named) afterwards came to be articles of faith binding on the universal Church, gave the death blow to Pelagianism; sooner or later it would bleed to death.这些明确的措辞大炮，其中（除最后命名） ，之后来到须文章，信仰的有约束力的普世教会，给了死亡的打击，佩拉纠学派;迟早的事，它会流血致死。
Meanwhile, urged by the Africans (probably through a certain Valerian, who as comes held an influential position in Ravenna), the secular power also took a hand in the dispute, the Emperor Honorius, by rescript of 30 April, 418, from Ravenna, banishing all Pelagians from the cities of Italy.同时，呼吁由非洲人（可能是通过一定的缬草，谁作为来举行的一个有影响力的立场，在拉文纳） ，世俗的权力，也采取了手，在发生纠纷，该皇帝挪， rescript 4月30日， 418 ，由Ravenna ，放逐所有pelagians从城市的意大利。 Whether Caelestius evaded the hearing before Zosimus, to which he was now bound, "by fleeing from Rome" (St. Augustine, "Contra duas epist. Pelag.", II, 5), or whether he was one of the first to fall a victim to the imperial decree of exile, cannot be satisfactorily settled from the sources.是否caelestius回避，听证会之前，卓西姆，而他现在的约束， “逃离罗马” （圣奥古斯丁， “魂斗罗两缺的epist 。 pelag 。 ”第一，二，五） ，或者他是否是第一个下降被害人对帝国的法令流亡，不能得到圆满解决，从源头上。 With regard to his later life, we are told that in 421 he again haunted Rome or its vicinity, but was expelled a second time by an imperial rescript (cf. PL, XLV, 1750).至于他后来的生活，有人告诉我们，在421 ，他再次困扰罗马或其附近，但被开除，第二次由一个帝国rescript （参见特等， xlv ， 1750 ） 。 It is further related that in 425 his petition for an audience with Celestine I was answered by a third banishment (cf. PL, LI, 271).这是进一步有关，在425他的请愿书，为观众与天青石我当时回答，由第三方流放（参见特等，李， 271 ） 。 He then sought refuge in the orient, where we shall meet him later.然后，他寻求庇护，在东方，我们会与他见面后。 Pelagius could not have been included in the imperial decree of exile from Rome.伯拉纠不能已包括在帝国的法令，从流亡罗马。 For at that time he undoubtedly resided in the Orient, since, as late as the summer of 418, he communicated with Pinianus and his wife Melania, who lived in Palestine (cf. Card. Rampolla, "Santa Melania giuniore", Rome, 1905).为在当时的他，无疑是居住在东方，这是因为，作为后期随着夏季的418 ，他沟通， pinianus和他的妻子melania ，谁住在巴勒斯坦（参见卡。兰波拉， “圣melania giuniore ” ，罗马， 1905 ） 。 But this is the last information we have about him; he probably died in the orient.不过，这是最后的资料，我们已对他的，他大概人死在了东方。 Having received the Acts of the Council of Carthage, Zosimus sent to all the bishops of the world his famous "Epistola tractoria" (418) of which unfortunately only fragments have come down to us.收到的行为，安理会的迦太基，卓西姆发送给所有的主教们，世界著名的“ epistola tractoria ” （ 418 ） ，其中只有不幸的片段来给我们。 This papal encyclical, a lengthy document, gives a minute account of the entire "causa Caelestii et Pelagii", from whose works it quotes abundantly, and categorically demands the condemnation of Pelagianism as a heresy.这教宗通谕，冗长的文件，给出了一分钟，帐户的整个“原因caelestii等pelagii ” ，从他们的作品，它的报价十分，并明确要求谴责佩拉纠学派作为一个异端。 The assertion that every bishop of the world was obliged to confirm this circular by his own signature, cannot be proved, it is more probable that the bishops were required to transmit to Rome a written agreement; if a bishop refused to sign, he was deposed from his office and banished.断言每一个主教的世界责任，以确认本通告由他自己的签名，不能证明，这是更可能的主教们要求转交罗马一份书面协议;如果主教拒绝签署，他被废黜从他的办公室和放逐。 A second and harsher rescript, issued by the emperor on 9 June, 419, and addressed to Bishop Aurelius of Carthage (PL, XLV, 1731), gave additional force to this measure.第二次和严厉的rescript ，所发出的皇帝6月9日， 419 ，并给主教奥里利乌斯的迦太基（特等， xlv ， 1731年） ，给予额外的力量，这项措施。 Augustine's triumph was complete.奥古斯丁的胜利完成。 In 418, drawing the balance, as it were, of the whole controversy, he wrote against the heresiarchs his last great work, "De gratia Christi et de peccato originali" (PL, XLIV, 359 sqq.).在418 ，制定平衡，因为它被，整个争议，他写道：对heresiarchs他最后一次的伟大工程， “德特惠基督等德peccato originali ” （特等，四十四， 359 sqq ） 。
The Disputes of St. Augustine with Julian of Eclanum (419-428)纠纷圣奥古斯丁与朱利安的eclanum （ 419-428 ）
Through the vigorous measures adopted in 418, Pelagianism was indeed condemned, but not crushed.通过有力的措施，通过在418 ，佩拉纠学派确实是谴责，但不是毁灭性打击。 Among the eighteen bishops of Italy who were exiled on account of their refusal to sign the papal decree, Julian, Bishop of Eclanum, a city of Apulia now deserted, was the first to protest against the "Tractoria" of Zosimus.其中18主教意大利谁被流放根据其拒绝签署教皇的法令，朱利安，主教eclanum ，一个城市的普利亚，现在被遗弃的，是第一次，以抗议“ tractoria ”卓西姆。 Highly educated and skilled in philosophy and dialectics, he assumed the leadership among the Pelagians.受过高深教育和技术熟练的在哲学和辩证法，他担任领导之间的pelagians 。 But to fight for Pelagianism now meant to fight against Augustine.但要争取佩拉纠学派现在的意思，以打击奥古斯丁。 The literary feud set in at once.文学宿怨订定一次。 It was probably Julian himself who denounced St. Augustine as damnator nupitarum to the influential comes Valerian in Ravenna, a nobleman, who was very happily married.它可能是朱利安自己谁谴责圣奥古斯丁作为damnator nupitarum向有影响力的来缬草在拉文纳，贵族，谁是非常愉快地结婚。 To meet the accusation, Augustine wrote, at the beginning of 419, an apology, "De nuptiis et concupiscentia libri II" (PL, XLIV, 413 sqq.) and addressed it to Valerian.以满足指控，奥古斯丁写道，在开始的419 ，道歉， “德nuptiis等concupiscentia书Ⅱ ” （特等，四十四， 413 sqq ） ，并向它缬草。 Immediately after (419 or 420), Julian published a reply which attacked the first book of Augustine's work and bore the title, "Libri IV ad Turbantium".后立即（ 419或420 ） ，朱利安发表了一份答复攻击的第一本书奥古斯丁的工作和承担的标题， “四书广告turbantium ” 。 But Augustine refuted it in his famous rejoinder, written in 421 or 422, "Contra Iulianum libri VI" (PL, XLIV, 640 sqq.).但奥古斯丁反驳它在其著名的答辩，书面在421或422 ， “魂斗罗iulianum图书六号” （特等，四十四， 640 sqq ） 。 When two Pelagian circulars, written by Julian and scourging the "Manichaean views" of the Antipelagians, fell into his hands, he attacked them energetically (420 or 421) in a work, dedicated to Boniface I, "Contra duas epistolas Pelagianorum libri IV" (PL, XLIV, 549 sqq.).当两个pelagian通告，写的朱利安和scourging “摩尼教的意见”的antipelagians ，落入他手中，他袭击了他们大力（ 420或421 ）在一项工作，致力于博尼法斯， “魂斗罗两缺的epistolas pelagianorum四书” （特等，四十四， 549 sqq ） 。 Being driven from Rome, Julian had found (not later than 421) a place of refuge in Cilicia with Theodore of Mopsuestia.被逐出罗马，朱利安已经找到了（不得迟于421 ）避难场所，在西里西亚与西奥多的摩普绥提亚。 Here he employed his leisure in elaborating an extensive work, "Libri VIII ad Florum", which was wholly devoted to refuting the second book of Augustine's "De nuptiis et concupiscentia".在这里，他受雇于他的康乐在拟订一项广泛的工作， “书第八广告florum ” ，这是完全致力于批驳了第二本书的奥古斯丁的“时点nuptiis等concupiscentia ” 。 Though composed shortly after 421, it did not come to the notice of St. Augustine until 427.虽然组成后不久， 421 ，它不来通知，圣奥古斯丁，直到427 。 The latter's reply, which quotes Julian's argumentations sentence for sentence and refutes them, was completed only as far as the sixth book, whence it is cited in patristic literature as "Opus imperfectum contra Iulianum" (PL, XLV, 1049 sqq.).后者的答复，其中报价朱利安的论证一句一句和驳斥他们，只完成了据第六届图书， whence ，这是引用的教父文学“作品imperfectum孔特拉iulianum ” （特等， xlv ， 1049 sqq ） 。 A comprehensive account of Pelagianism, which brings out into strong relief the diametrically opposed views of the author, was furnished by Augustine in 428 in the final chapter of his work, "De haeresibus" (PL, XLII, 21 sqq.).全面叙述了佩拉纠学派，带出了成坚强的救济了截然相反的意见的作者，所提供的奥古斯丁在428中的最后一章，他的工作， “德haeresibus ” （特等，四十二， 21 sqq ） 。 Augustine's last writings published before his death (430) were no longer aimed against Pelagianism but against Semipelagianism.奥古斯丁的最后出版的著作在他死之前（ 430 ）不再是针对佩拉纠学派，但对semipelagianism 。
After the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia (428), Julian of Eclanum left the hospitable city of Cilicia and in 429 we meet him unexpectedly in company with his fellow exiles Bishops Florus, Orontius, and Fabius, and the Court of the Patriarch Nestorius of Constantinople, who willingly supported the fugitives.去世后，西奥多的摩普绥提亚（ 428 ） ，朱利安的eclanum离开了热情好客的城市，西里西亚和在429我们与他见面出人意料地在公司与他的同胞流亡主教florus ， orontius ，法比尤斯，以及法院的老人家涅斯君士坦丁堡，谁愿意支持逃犯。 It was here, too, in 429, that Caelestius emerged again as the protégé of the patriarch; this is his last appearance in history; for from now on all trace of him is lost.正是在这里，太，在429 ，即caelestius再次出现，作为protégé的老人家，这是他最后一次出现在历史;从现在起，所有的痕迹，他是丢失。 But the exiled bishops did not long enjoy the protection of Nestorius.但流亡海外的主教没有长期享有的保护涅斯。 When Marius Mercator, a layman and friend of St. Augustine, who was then present in Constantinople, heard of the machinations of the Pelagians in the imperial city, he composed towards the end of 429 his "Commonitorium super nomine Caelestii" (PL, XLVIII, 63 sqq.), in which he exposed the shameful life and the heretical character of Nestorius' wards.当马里尤斯麦卡托投影，一个门外汉，和朋友圣奥古斯丁，谁当时目前在君士坦丁堡，听到的阴谋诡计的pelagians ，在皇城，他组成，在接近年底时429他的“ commonitorium超级诺米内caelestii ” （特等，四十八， 63 sqq ） ，他在其中暴露了可耻的生活和邪教性质的涅斯'病房。 The result was that the Emperor Theodosius II decreed their banishment in 430.其结果是，皇帝狄奥多二世下令他们流放在430 。 When the Ecumenical Council of Ephesus (431) repeated the condemnation pronounced by the West (cf. Mansi, "Concil. collect.", IV, 1337), Pelagianism was crushed in the East.当大公会议的以弗所（ 431 ）一再谴责突出，由西（参见曼西， “ concil 。收集” ，四， 1337年） ，佩拉纠学派被压死在东部地区。 According to the trustworthy report of Prosper of Aquitaine ("Chronic." ad a. 439, in PL, LI, 598), Julian of Eclanum, feigning repentance, tried to regain possession of his former bishopric, a plan which Sixtus III (432-40) courageously frustrated.据值得信赖的报告繁荣的阿基坦（ “慢性”的广告答： 439 ，在临时立法会，李， 598 ） ，朱利安的eclanum ， feigning悔改，企图夺回藏有他的前bishopric ，一项计划， sixtus三（ 432 -40 ） ，勇敢地感到沮丧。 The year of his death is uncertain.今年他的死因是不确定的。 He seems to have died in Italy between 441 and 445 during the reign of Valentinian III.他似乎已经死亡，在意大利之间的441和445的统治期间valentinian三。
Last Traces of Pelagianism (429-529)去年的痕迹佩拉纠学派（ 429-529 ）
After the Council of Ephesus (431), Pelagianism no more disturbed the Greek Church, so that the Greek historians of the fifth century do not even mention either the controversy of the names of the heresiarchs.后会以弗所（ 431 ） ，佩拉纠学派没有更多的不安，希腊教会，所以说，希腊历史学家的第五世纪甚至不提及任何争议的名称，该heresiarchs 。 But the heresy continued to smoulder in the West and died our very slowly.但异端继续smoulder在西部和死亡，我们的速度很慢。 The main centres were Gaul and Britain.主要中心高卢和英国。 About Gaul we are told that a synod, held probably at Troyes in 429, was compelled to take steps against the Pelagians.约高卢告诉我们，一个主教举行的可能是在特鲁瓦在429 ，是被迫采取的步骤，对pelagians 。 It also sent Bishops Germanus of Auxerre and Lupus of Troyes to Britain to fight the rampant heresy, which received powerful support from two pupils of Pelagius, Agricola and Fastidius (cf. Caspari, "Letters, Treatises and Sermons from the two last Centuries of Ecclesiastical Antiquity", pp. 1-167, Christiana, 1891).它也派出主教germanus的欧塞尔和红斑性狼疮的特鲁瓦前往英国，打击猖獗的异端，得到有力的支持，从两名学生的伯拉纠，阿格里科拉和fastidius （参见caspari ， “信件，论文和布道，从最后两个世纪的教会古物“ ，第1-167 ， christiana ， 1891 ） 。 Almost a century later, Wales was the centre of Pelagian intrigues.将近一个世纪之后，威尔斯是该中心的pelagian阴谋。 For the saintly Archbishop David of Menevia participated in 519 in the Synod of Brefy, which directed its attacks against the Pelagians residing there, and after he was made Primate of Cambria, he himself convened a synod against them.为saintly大主教国宝的menevia参加了519在主教会议的brefy ，指示其打击pelagians居住在那里，及后，他作出了灵长类动物的坎布里亚，他自己召集了一个主教对他们的。 In Ireland also Pelagius's "Commentary on St. Paul", described in the beginning of this article, was in use long afterwards, as is proved by many Irish quotations from it.在爱尔兰也伯拉纠的“述评：圣保禄” ，描述在本文开头，是在使用不久，作为证明，很多爱尔兰的报价。 Even in Italy traces can be found, not only in the Diocese of Aquileia (cf. Garnier, "Opera Marii Mercat.", I, 319 sqq., Paris, 1673), but also in Middle Italy; for the so-called "Liber Praedestinatus", written about 440 perhaps in Rome itself, bears not so much the stamp of Semipelagianism as of genuine Pelagianism (cf. von Schubert, "Der sog. Praedestinatus, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pelagianismus", Leipzig, 1903).即使在意大利的痕迹，可以发现，不仅在教区阿奎（参见卡尼尔， “歌剧marii mercat ” ，我， 319 sqq 。巴黎， 1673年） ，而且在中东，意大利，为使所谓的“ liber praedestinatus “ ，书面约440也许在罗马本身，熊没有这么多邮票的semipelagianism作为真正的佩拉纠学派（参见冯舒伯特， ”明镜特别一次过拨款。 praedestinatus ，艾因beitrag zur万pelagianismus历史馆“ ，莱比锡， 1903 ） 。 A more detailed account of this work will be found under the article PREDESTINARIANISM.更详细的帐户，这方面的工作会被发现，根据文章predestinarianism 。 It was not until the Second Synod of Orange (529) that Pelagianism breathed its last in the West, though that convention aimed its decisions primarily against Semipelagianism.但直到第二次主教会议的橙（ 529 ）佩拉纠学派呼吸，其去年在西方，虽然该公约的目的是其决定主要针对semipelagianism 。
Publication information Written by Joseph Pohle.出版信息的书面约瑟夫pohle 。 Transcribed by Anthony A. Killeen.转录由Anthony答： killeen 。 Aeterna non caduca The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XI.依特钠非caduca天主教百科全书，货量十一。 Published 1911. 1911年出版。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.纽约：罗伯特阿普尔顿公司。 Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1911. nihil obstat ， 1911年2月1日。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.的Remy lafort ，性病，检查员。 Imprimatur. imprimatur 。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +约翰farley枢机主教，大主教，纽约
This subject presentation in the original English language这个课题介绍，在原有的英语语言
Send an e-mail question or comment to us: E-mail邮件发送问题或意见给我们： 电子邮箱
The main BELIEVE web-page (and the index to subjects) is at http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html主要相信网页（和索引科目） ，是在http://mb-soft.com/believe/beliecha.html