Paulinism, Theology of Paul paulinism ,神学保罗

Advanced Information 先进的信息

The term is used to describe the type of theology which looks to Paul, rather than to other NT authors, for its chief inspiration. The Reformation was essentially a revival of Paulinism, for the distinctive Pauline doctrine of justification by faith was and has remained for all Protestant churches "the article of faith by which the Church stands or falls" (Luther). In broader terms, however, the whole Western church may be regarded as "Pauline," over against the Orthodox churches of the East, which look rather to John for the NT foundation of their theology.这个词是用来形容类型的神学看来,以保罗,而不是其他NT的作者,供其行政的灵感。 改革基本上是一个复苏的paulinism ,鲜明的宝莲学说的理由,信仰是一直为所有新教教会“的文章,信仰所教会的立场,或属于” (路德) 。在更广泛的条款,但是,整个西方教会可能会被视为“宝莲, ”对东正教教堂的东,看看,而不是约翰为新台币的基础,他们的神学。 Here Augustine's influence has meant that the Western churches, Catholic and Protestant alike, are partners in a theological tradition which values legal categories of thought and metaphors as the most fruitful way of talking about the relationship between God and the world, and which therefore regards justification as the central soteriological issue, even if Catholic and Protestant interpret Paul's teaching differently.在这里奥古斯丁的影响,也意味着西方教会,天主教和基督教一样,是伙伴关系,在神学的传统价值观,法律类的思路和隐喻作为最富有成果的方式,谈论之间的关系,上帝和世界的,以及哪些方面的理由,因此,作为中央soteriological问题,即使是天主教和新教的解释保罗的教学有所不同。

Lutheran theologians have generally been conscious of the priority they give to Paul, but recently three factors have contributed to a growing feeling that this exaltation is questionable.路德会神学家普遍意识到他们优先提供给保罗,但最近三个因素促成了越来越多的感觉,这个提升是值得商榷的。 Ecclesiastically, the ecumenical movement has made Western theologians more aware of the Eastern theological tradition with its very different approach to justification and Pauline theology generally. ecclesiastically ,合一运动取得了西方神学家更明白东部的神学传统与它的非常不同的方法来的理由和宝莲神学普遍。 Theologically, the awareness has grown that religious language can only hint and suggest, never describe, so that perhaps legal language is only one of several possible metaphor groups that may validly be used to talk about God and the world. theologically ,意识,增加了宗教的语言只能暗示和建议,从来没有描述,使法律语言,也许只是其中之一的几种可能的隐喻团体可能有效地被用来谈论上帝和世界。 And in NT scholarship a sharper awareness of the parallel but distinct historical development of the different theological streams within the NT (Pauline, Johannine, Synoptic, etc,) has led to a desire to interpret each within its own terms and not to seek out a "canon within the canon" on the basis of which the rest of the Bible can be interpreted.和在新台币奖学金,更清晰的认识平行,但独特的历史发展不同的神学思想建设的溪流与新台币(宝莲, johannine ,天气等)导致的愿望来解释每一个在其自己的条款和不寻求出“佳能与佳能”的基础上,而其余的圣经可以被解释。 Ecumenical conversations are therefore found to be mirrored within the NT itself, so that the issue of diversity and unity in the NT has tremendous modern relevance.合一的交谈,因此,发现被镜像内新台币本身,所以,这个问题的多样性和团结,在新台币有着巨大的现代意义。

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Several approaches to this problem are available today.以多种方式这个问题目前已经上市。 The traditional Lutheran - Protestant solution is still well represented: it distinguishes an original, pure, Pauline gospel from "Early Catholicism," a term used to describe the earliest movements, traceable in the NT itself, toward a Catholic emphasis on the sacraments, ordered ministry, and an ethical Christianity (regarded as a degeneration from the truth).传统的信义-新教的解决办法依然是代表出席了会议:区别原始,纯净,宝莲,福音从“早期天主教, ”使用的术语来形容,最早的运动,可追踪在新界的本身,对天主教会侧重于圣礼,饬令部,和一个基督教的伦理(视为豆状核变性从真理) 。 Some scholars even find this degeneration in Paul himself, and so locate pure Paulinism only in the earliest epistles.有些学者甚至认为这是豆状核变性的保罗自己,所以找到纯paulinism只有在最早的书信。 Another approach identifies a common denominator between Paul and the other NT authors and questions the possibility of finding theological harmony outside this center.另一种做法是确定一个共同点之间的保罗和其他NT的作者和问题的可能性,寻找神学思想建设和谐外于这个中心。 For Dunn, the NT authors agree in identifying Jesus of Nazareth with the risen and exalted Christ, but beyond that show very substantial diversity of thought, so that Paulinism is simply one version of Christianity, inevitably existing in tension with other versions.为邓莲如,新台币作者同意,在确定纳匝肋的耶稣与复活的基督和崇高的,但以后显示非常庞大多样性的思想,使paulinism只不过是一个版本,基督教,不可避免地存在的紧张局势,与其他版本。

Recently a third approach has appeared, associated particularly with the German scholars Martin Hengel and Peter Stuhlmacher, which asserts a substantial unity between the main NT streams by finding in them the same central theological ideas differently expressed and applied.最近,第三种做法是出现了,相关的,特别是与德国学者马丁亨格尔和彼得司徒马赫,即断言,相当团结之间的主要新台币溪流找到了他们的同时,中央的神学思想有不同的表达和应用。 The heart of Pauline as of Johannine theology is thus the proclamation of Jesus as the messianic Reconciler who dies a sacrificial death for the people of God.心脏宝莲,截至johannine神学,因此,宣布耶稣作为弥赛亚reconciler谁去世牺牲死亡,为人民的上帝。

NT scholarship is in a considerable state of flux, matching that in the parallel area of ecumenism.新台币的奖学金是在一个相当大的状态通量,匹配,在平行领域的基督信仰合一。 Whatever the outcome, we must affirm that those for whom, like Luther, the Epistle to the Romans contains "the purest gospel" have not misplaced their faith.无论结果如何,我们必须肯定,那些人一样,路德,书信向罗马包含“纯净的福音”并没有错他们的信仰。

S Motyer s莫提尔教授
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) ( elwell福音事工促进会,字典)

Bibliography 参考书目
JDG Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the NT; E Kasemann, "The Problem of a NT Theology," NTS 19; JW Drane, "Tradition, Law and Ethics in Pauline Theology," NovT 16; M Hengel, The Atonement. jdg邓莲如,统一性与多样性,在新台币电子商务凯士曼, “问题的NT神学, ”国税厅19日;系列JW杜蓝“的传统,法律和道德在宝莲,神学, ” novt 16日;米亨格尔,赎罪。


Saul of Tarsus娑罗双树的塔尔苏斯

Jewish Viewpoint Information 犹太人的观点,信息

The actual founder of the Christian Church as opposed to Judaism; born before 10 CE; died after 63.实际的创始人之一,基督教教堂,作为反对犹太教; 10日前出生的行政长官;去世后, 63 。 The records containing the views and opinions of the opponents of Paul and Paulinism are no longer in existence; and the history of the early Church has been colored by the writers of the second century, who were anxious to suppress or smooth over the controversies of the preceding period, as is shown in the Acts of the Apostles and also by the fact that the Epistles ascribed to Paul, as has been proved by modern critics, are partly spurious (Galatians, Ephesians, I and II Timothy, Titus, and others) and partly interpolated.纪录载的观点和意见对手保罗和paulinism不再是存在的;和历史的早期教会已色彩的作家的第二个世纪,谁被急于压制或顺利超过争议的前一时期,由于将显示在使徒行传,也由一个事实,即书信归功于保罗,作为已被证明是现代的批评,部分杂散(加拉太书,以弗所书,我和提摩太,提多书,和其他人)部分插。

Not a Hebrew Scholar; a Hellenist.不是一个希伯来语的学者; hellenist 。

Saul (whose Roman cognomen was Paul; see Acts xiii. 9) was born of Jewish parents in the first decade of the common era at Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts ix. 11, xxi. 39, xxii. 3).娑罗双树(其罗马cognomen保罗;见行为十三。九日)出生的犹太父母在第一个十年的共同时代在塔尔苏斯在西里西亚(行为九。十一,二十一。 39 , 22 。 3 ) 。 The claim in Rom.索赔在ROM 。 xi.十一。 1 and Phil. 1和菲尔。 iii.三。 5 that he was of the tribe of Benjamin, suggested by the similarity of his name with that of the first Israelitish king, is, if the passages are genuine, a false one, no tribal lists or pedigrees of this kind having been in existence at that time (see Eusebius, "Hist. Eccl." i. 7, 5; Pes. 62b; M. Sachs, "Beiträge zur Sprach- und Alterthumsforschung," 1852, ii. 157).五,他是该部落的本杰明,所提出的相似,他的名字与这首israelitish国王是,如果通道是否为正版,假一,没有部落的名单,或家系的这种已存在的在当时的(见尤西比乌斯, “历史。传道书” 。一,七,五; PES的。 62b ;米高盛, “ beiträge zur sprach - und alterthumsforschung , ” 1852年,二157段) 。 Nor is there any indication in Paul's writings or arguments that he had received the rabbinical training ascribed to him by Christian writers, ancient and modern; least of all could he have acted or written as he did had he been, as is alleged (Acts xxii. 3), the disciple of Gamaliel I., the mild Hillelite.也没有任何迹象显示,在保罗的著作或论点,他曾接获犹太教训练,归因于他的基督教作家,古代和现代;至少所有可他已采取行动,或书面像他那样,他被作为指控(二十二行为。 3 ) ,弟子的加马利亚一,轻度hillelite 。 His quotations from Scripture, which are all taken, directly or from memory, from the Greek version, betray no familiarity with the original Hebrew text.他的报价从经文,都是采取直接或从记忆体,从希腊的版本,出卖没有熟悉与原来的希伯来文。 The Hellenistic literature, such as the Book of Wisdom and other Apocrypha, as well as Philo (see Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," ii. 18-27; Siegfried, "Philo von Alexandria," 1875, pp. 304-310; Jowett, "Commentary on the Thessalonians and Galatians," i. 363-417), was the sole source for his eschatological and theological system.希腊文学,如这本书的智慧和其他apocrypha ,以及斐洛(见豪斯拉特, “ neutestamentliche zeitgeschichte , ”二18日至27日;齐格弗里德, “斐洛冯亚历山大, ” 1875年,第304-310 ;乔伊特“述评:该帖撒罗尼迦和加拉太书, ”一363-417 ) ,是唯一的来源,他eschatological和神学系统。

Notwithstanding the emphatic statement, in Phil.尽管声明强调,在菲尔。 iii.三。 5, that he was "a Hebrew of the Hebrews"-a rather unusual term, which seems to refer to his nationalistic training and conduct (comp. Acts xxi. 40, xxii. 2), since his Jewish birth is stated in the preceding words "of the stock of Israel"-he was, if any of the Epistles that bear his name are really his, entirely a Hellenist in thought and sentiment. 5 ,他是“一个希伯来语的希伯来人” -一个相当不寻常的任期,这似乎是指他的民族主义的培训和进行( comp.行为二十一。 40 , 22 。 2 ) ,因为他是犹太人的诞生说明,在前面的换言之“的存量,以色列” -他,如果有任何的书信承受他的名字,真的是他,完全是一个hellenist在思想和情绪。 As such he was imbued with the notion that "the whole creation groaneth" for liberation from "the prison-house of the body," from this earthly existence, which, because of its pollution by sin and death, is intrinsically evil (Gal. i. 4; Rom. v. 12, vii. 23-24, viii. 22; I Cor. vii. 31; II Cor. v. 2, 4; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," iii. 75; idem, "De Vita Mosis," iii. 17; idem, "De Ebrietate," § 26; and Wisdom ii.24).这样,他充满了概念,即“整个创作groaneth ”解放从“监狱内部的机构, ”从这个尘世的存在,这是因为它的污染,单仲偕和死亡的,本质上是邪恶的( gal.一,四;光碟。五,十二,七, 23-24日,八。 22 ,我肺心病。七。 31 ;二,肺心病。五, 2 , 4 ;可比。斐洛, “德allegoriis legum , ”三。七十五;同上, “德简历mosis , ”三。 17 ;同上, “德ebrietate , ”第26条;和智慧ii.24 ) 。 As a Hellenist, also, he distinguished between an earthly and a heavenly Adam (I Cor. xv. 45-49; comp. Philo, "De Allegoriis Legum," i. 12), and, accordingly, between the lower psychic.作为一个hellenist ,同时,他区分了一个人间天堂和亚当(我肺心病。十五, 45-49段;可比。斐洛, “德allegoriis legum , ”一12 ) ,并据此,之间的较低的心理。 life and the higher spiritual life attained only by asceticism (Rom. xii. 1; I Cor. vii. 1-31, ix. 27, xv. 50; comp. Philo, "De Profugis," § 17; and elsewhere).生活和精神生活的更高,达到只有禁欲(罗马书十二,一,我肺心病。七, 1月31日,九27 ,十五。 50 ;可比。斐洛, “德profugis , ” § 17日;和其他地方) 。 His whole state of mind shows the influence of the theosophic or Gnostic lore of Alexandria, especially the Hermes literature recently brought to light by Reizenstein in his important work "Poimandres," 1904 (see Index, sv "Paulus," "Briefe des Paulus," and "Philo"); hence his strange belief in supernatural powers (Reizenstein, lc pp. 77, 287), in fatalism, in "speaking in tongues" (I Cor. xii.-xiv.; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 58; Dieterich, "Abraxas," pp. 5 et seq.; Weinel, "Die Wirkungen des Geistes und der Geister," 1899, pp. 72 et seq.; I Cor. xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-6; Eph. iii. 3), and in mysteries or sacraments (Rom. xvi. 25; Col. i. 26, ii. 2, iv. 3; Eph. i. 9, iii. 4, vi. 19)-a term borrowed solely from heathen rites.他的整个的精神状态,表明影响该theosophic或gnostic知识亚历山德里亚,特别是Hermes的文学最近揭示了由reizenstein在他的重要工作“ poimandres , ” 1904年(见指数, sv “保禄” , “ briefe万保禄, “和”斐洛“ ) ;因此,他奇怪的信仰,超自然的权力( reizenstein ,立法会页。 77 , 287 ) ,在宿命论,在”发言,在舌头“ (我肺心病。 xii. - 14 。 ;可比。 reizenstein , LCP的58 ; dieterich , “卫矛尺, ”页。五等法律。 ;魏耐耳, “模具wirkungen万geistes und明镜geister , ” 1899年,第72条及以下各条。 ;我肺心病。十五,八月;二,肺心病。十二。 1月6日;弗三。 3 ) ,并在的奥秘,或圣礼(罗马书十六。第25条;上校26日一,二,二,四,三;弗:一,九,三,四,六, 19 ) - 1任期借来的单从heathen仪式。

His Epilepsy.他的癫痫症。

There is throughout Paul's writings an irrational or pathological element which could not but repel the disciples of the Rabbis.因此,在整个保罗的著作不合理或病理因素,但不能击退弟子的拉比。 Possibly his pessimistic mood was the result of his physical condition; for he suffered from an illness which affected both body and mind.可能是他的悲观情绪是导致他的身体状况;他患有一种疾病,这既影响身体和精神。 He speaks of it as "a thorn in the flesh," and as a heavy stroke by "a messenger of Satan" (II Cor. xii. 7), which often caused him to realize his utter helplessness, and made him an object of pity and horror (Gal. iv. 13).他谈到了它作为“眼中钉,肉中刺” ,作为一个沉重的中风是由“信使撒旦” (二肺心病。十二。 7 ) ,这往往使他实现他说不出的无奈,并作出了他的对象很可惜,和恐怖( gal.四。 13 ) 。 It was, as Krenkel ("Beiträge zur Aufhellung der Geschichte und Briefe des Apostels Paulus," 1890, pp. 47-125) has convincingly shown, epilepsy, called by the Greeks "the holy disease," which frequently put him into a state of ecstasy, a frame of mind that may have greatly impressed some of his Gentile hearers, but could not but frighten away and estrange from him the Jew, whose God is above all the God of reason (comp. II Cor. v. 13; x. 10; xi. 1, 16; xii. 6).这是,作为克伦克尔( “ beiträge zur aufhellung明镜历史馆und briefe万apostels保禄” , 1890年,第47-125 )已令人信服地表明,癫痫,所谓由希腊人“神圣疾病” ,经常把他变成一个国家迷魂药,一帧的心态,可能有很大的印象,他的一些詹蒂莱hearers ,但不能,但吓走和疏远他的犹太人,他们的上帝是高于一切的神的原因( comp.二,肺心病。诉13人;十,第10条;十一。 1 ,第16条;第十二6段) 。 The conception of a new faith, half pagan and half Jewish, such as Paul preached, and susceptibility to its influences, were altogether foreign to the nature of Jewish life and thought.的概念,一个新的信念,一半异教徒和犹太人的一半,如保罗所宣扬的,和易感性的影响,共有外来的性质犹太人生活和思想。 For Judaism, religion is the hallowing of this life by the fulfilment of its manifold duties (see Judaism): Paul shrank from life as the domain of Satan and all his hosts of evil; he longed for redemption by the deadening of all desires for life, and strove for another world which he sawin his ecstatic visions.对于犹太教,宗教是hallowing这个生命履行其多方面的职责(见犹太教) :保罗下跌,从生活领域的撒旦和他的所有主机的邪恶,他盼望已久的赎回由deadening的所有欲望,生命,并竭力为另一个世界,他sawin他欣喜若狂的愿景。 The following description of Paul is preserved in "Acta Pauli et Theclæ," an apocryphal book which has been proved to be older and in some respects of greater historic value than the canonical Acts of the Apostles (see Conybeare, "Apollonius' Apology and Acts, and Other Monuments of Early Christianity," pp. 49-88, London, 1894): "A man of moderate stature, with crisp [scanty] hair, crooked legs, blue eyes, large knit brows, and long nose, at times looking like a man, at times like an angel, Paul came forward and preached to the men of Iconium: 'Blessed are they that keep themselves chaste [unmarried]; for they shall be called the temple of God. Blessed are they that mortify their bodies and souls; for unto them speaketh God. Blessed are they that despise the world; for they shall be pleasing to God. Blessed be the souls and bodies of virgins; for they shall receive the reward of their chastity.'"下面的说明保罗是保存在“学报泡利等theclæ , ”一书,猜测已被证明是老年人和在某些方面更大的历史价值,比典型使徒行传(见科尼比尔, “阿波罗尼奥斯'道歉和行为,和其他古迹的早期基督教的“页49-88 ,伦敦, 1894年)说: ”一名男子温和的地位,与脆[微薄的]头发,弯曲的腿,蓝眼睛,大针织眉毛,鼻子和长期的,有时看起来就像一名男子,有时像一个天使,保罗出面和鼓吹向官兵伊康: '是有福的,他们保持自己的纯洁[未婚] ;为他们应被称为神的庙。有福了,他们认为他们的mortify身体和灵魂;不欲,他们speaketh上帝。有福了,他们认为,蔑视世界;为他们应感到欣慰的上帝。有福是灵魂和身体的处女;为他们应得到的报酬,他们的贞节“ 。

It was by such preaching that "he ensnared the souls of young men and maidens, enjoining them to remain single "(Conybeare, lc pp. 62, 63, 67; comp. ib. pp. 24-25; Gal. iii. 38; I Cor. vii. 34-36; Matt. xix. 12; Clement of Rome, Epistle ii. § 12).这是由这种鼓吹“他陷入心灵的年轻男性和少女, enjoining他们继续留单” (科尼比尔,立法会页。 62 , 63 , 67 ;可比。兴业。页。 24-25日; GAL的三。 38我肺心病。七, 34-36 ;马特。十九。 12 ;克莱门特的罗马,书信二。 § 12 ) 。

Anti-Jewish Attitude.反犹太人的态度。

Whatever the physiological or psychological analysis of Paul's temperament may be, his conception of life was not Jewish.无论生理或心理分析,郑明训的气质可能,他的构想没有生命的犹太人。 Nor can his unparalleled animosity and hostility to Judaism as voiced in the Epistles be accounted for except upon the assumption that, while born a Jew, he was never in sympathy or in touch with the doctrines of the rabbinical schools.也不能,他无与伦比的仇恨和敌视犹太教作为表示,在书信被占后,除假设,而出生的犹太人,他从来没有在同情或在接触与理论的犹太教学校。 For even his Jewish teachings came to him through Hellenistic channels, as is indicated by the great emphasis laid upon "the day of the divine wrath" (Rom. i. 18; ii. 5, 8; iii. 5; iv. 15; v. 9; ix. 22; xii. 19; I Thess. i. 10; Col. iii. 6; comp. Sibyllines, iii. 309 et seq., 332; iv. 159, 161 et seq.; and elsewhere), as well as by his ethical monitions, which are rather inconsistently taken over from Jewish codes of law for proselytes, the Didache and Didascalia.即使他的犹太人的教诲,来到他通过希腊渠道,是显示的高度重视后,奠定了“天的神的愤怒” (罗马书一18岁;二,五,八;三,五;四。 15 ;五,九;九。 22 ;十二,十九,我thess :一,第10条;上校三,六;可比。 sibyllines ,三, 309条及以下各条, 332 ;四, 159 , 161等法律。 ;和其他地方) ,以及他的道德monitions ,这是相当不一致接管犹太人守则法proselytes , didache和didascalia 。 It is quite natural, then, that not only the Jews (Acts xxi. 21), but also the Judæo-Christians, regarded Paul as an "apostate from the Law" (see Eusebius, lc iii. 27; Irenæus, "Adversus Hæreses," i. 26, 2; Origen, "Contra Celsum," v. 65; Clement of Rome, "Recognitiones," i. 70. 73).这是很自然的话,那么,不仅犹太人(二十一行为。二十一日) ,而且还judæo基督徒,把保罗作为一个“叛教者从法” (见尤西比乌斯,立法会三,第27条; irenæus , “ adversus hæreses “一26 ,二;奥利, ”魂斗罗celsum , “五65条;克莱门特的罗马, ” recognitiones , “一70 。 73 ) 。

His Personality.他的个性。

To judge from those Epistles that have all the traits of genuineness and give a true insight into his nature, Paul was of a fiery temper, impulsive and impassioned in the extreme, of ever-changing moods, now exulting in boundless joy and now sorely depressed and gloomy.法官从这些书信有所有性状的真实性,并给予一个真正的深入了解他的性质,保罗是一个火热的脾气,一时冲动和慷慨激昂的在极端的情况下,不断变化的心情,现在exulting在欢天喜地,现在严峻的萧条和悲观。 Effusive and excessive alike in his love and in his hatred, in his blessing and in his cursing, he possessed a marvelous power over men; and he had unbounded confidence in himself.热情洋溢的和过度都在他的爱和在他的仇恨,在他的祝福,并在他的咒骂,他拥有不可思议的力量超过男性;和他无限的信心,在自己。 He speaks or writes as a man who is conscious of a great providential mission, as the servant and herald of a high and unique cause.他的讲话或写,因为一名男子谁是意识到一个伟大的providential使命,作为公务员和预示着一个高和独特的原因。 The philosopher and the Jew will greatly differ from him with regard to every argument and view of his; but both will admit that he is a mighty battler for truth, and that his view of life, of man, and of God is a profoundly serious one.哲学家和犹太人将大大不同,他对于每一个论点,并查看他的,但双方会承认自己是一支强大的battler ,为真理,他的生命观,人,和上帝的是一个深刻严重一个。 The entire conception of religion has certainly been deepened by him, because his mental grasp was wide and comprehensive, and his thinking bold, aggressive, searching, and at the same time systematic.整个观,宗教无疑加深了他,因为他的心理把握是广泛和全面的,他的思想,大胆,积极,搜查,并在同一时间,系统化。 Indeed, he molded the thought and the belief of all Christendom.的确,他塑造了思想和信念,所有基督教。

Jewish Proselytism and Paul.犹太人的宗教信仰和保罗。

Before the authenticity of the story of the so-called conversion of Paul is investigated, it seems proper to consider from the Jewish point of view this question: Why did Paul find it necessary to create a new system of faith for the admission of the Gentiles, in view of the fact that the Synagogue had well-nigh two centuries before opened its door to them and, with the help of the Hellenistic literature, had made a successful propaganda, as even the Gospels testify?之前的真实性的故事,那些所谓的转换保罗是调查,似乎适当考虑从犹太人的角度来看这个问题:为什么保罗觉得有必要建立一个新的制度,信仰为接纳外邦人,有鉴于这一事实,即犹太教堂曾以及几乎是两百年前,打开大门向他们,帮助希腊文学,作出了成功的宣传,因为即使是福音作证? (Matt. xxiii. 15; see Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 102-135, 420-483; J. Bernays, "Gesammelte Abhandlungen," 1885, i. 192-282, ii. 71-80; Bertholet, "Die Stellung der Israeliten und Juden zu den Fremden," 1896, pp. 257-302.) Bertholet (lc pp. 303-334; but see Schürer, lci 126) and others, in order that they may reserve the claim of universality for Christianity, deny the existence of uncircumcised proselytes in Judaism, and misconstrue plain Talmudic and other statements referring to God-fearing Gentiles (Bertholet, lc pp. 338-339); whereas the very doctrine of Paul concerning the universal faith of Abraham (Rom. iv. 3-18) rests upon the traditional interpretation of Gen. xii. ( matt.二十三。 15 ;见schürer , “ gesch ”三维版,三。 102-135 , 420-483的J. bernays , “ gesammelte abhandlungen , ” 1885年, 192-282一,二, 71-80 ;贝尔托莱, “模具stellung明镜israeliten und juden祖书斋fremden , ” 1896年,第257-302 ) 。贝尔托莱(立法会页。 303-334 ,但看到schürer ,国际狮子总会126 )和其他人,以便他们可以保留索赔的普遍性为基督教,否认存在割包皮的proselytes在犹太教,和误解平原talmudic和其他报表指敬畏上帝外邦人(贝尔托莱,立法会页。 338-339 ) ;而很中庸保罗关于普遍的信仰石礼谦(罗马书四, 3月18日)休息后,传统的解释,将军十二。 3 (see Kuenen, "Prophets and Prophecy in Israel," pp. 379, 457) and upon the traditional view which made Abraham the prototype of a missionary bringing the heathen world under the wings of the Shekinah (Gen. R. xxxix., with reference to Gen. xii. 5; see Abraham; Judaism; Proselyte). 3条(见kuenen , “先知和预言,在以色列, ”页379 , 457 )后,传统的观点提出石礼谦原型传教,使heathen世界机翼下的shekinah (创r.第39届,参考将军十二。五;见亚伯拉罕;犹太教; proselyte ) 。 As a matter of fact, only the Jewish propaganda work along the Mediterranean Sea made it possible for Paul and his associates to establish Christianity among the Gentiles, as is expressly recorded in the Acts (x. 2; xiii. 16, 26, 43, 50; xvi. 14; xvii. 4, 17; xviii. 7); and it is exactly from such synagogue manuals for proselytes as the Didache and the Didascalia that the ethical teachings in the Epistles of Paul and of Peter were derived (see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 1-44).作为一个的问题,事实上,只有犹太人宣传工作,沿地中海使人们有可能为保罗和他的同伙,以建立基督教之间的外邦人,是明确记录在行为(十二;十三。 16 , 26 , 43 , 50 ;十六,第14条;十七。 4 , 17 ;十八。 7 ) ;及这正是从这样的犹太教堂手册proselytes作为didache和didascalia认为,道德的教诲,在书信保罗和彼得推导(见seeberg “明镜katechismus明镜urchristenheit , ” 1903年,第1-44 ) 。

The answer is supplied by the fact that Jewish proselytism had the Jewish nation as its basis, as the names "ger" and "ger toshab" for "proselyte" indicate.答案是所提供的事实,改变宗教信仰的犹太人有犹太人的国家作为其基础上,作为名称“毛入学率”和“毛入学率toshab ”为“ proselyte ”显示。 The proselyte on whom the Abrahamic rite was not performed remained an outsider.该proselyte的人亚伯拉罕成年礼没有表现仍然是一个局外人。 It was, therefore, highly important for Paul that those who became converted to the Church should rank equally with its other members and that every mark of distinction between Jew and Gentile should be wiped out in the new state of existence in which the Christians lived in anticipation.因此,有人非常重要的为保罗那些谁成为转换为教会应该排名同样与其他成员和每一个马克区分犹太人和詹蒂莱应该被淘汰,在新的国家存在,其中基督徒住在期待。 The predominating point of view of the Synagogue was the political and social one; that of the Church, the eschatological one.该predominating的角度来看,犹太教堂是当时全国的政治和社会一;的教会, eschatological 1 。 May such as do not bear the seal of Abraham's covenant upon their flesh or do not fulfil the whole Law be admitted into the congregation of the saints waiting for the world of resurrection? 5月,如不承担印章亚伯拉罕的盟约后,他们的肉或不履行整个法律承认,到聚集圣人等待的世界复活? This was the question at issue between the disciples of Jesus and those of Paul; the former adhering to the view of the Essenes, which was also that of Jesus; the latter taking an independent position that started not from the Jewish but from the non-Jewish standpoint.这是问题之间的问题,耶稣的门徒和保罗;前者坚持认为,该essenes ,这也就是耶稣;后者以一个独立的立场,即开始而不是从犹太人,而是来自非犹太人的立场。 Paul fashioned a Christ ofhis own, a church of his own, and a system of belief of his own; and because there were many mythological and Gnostic elements in his theology which appealed more to the non-Jew than to the Jew, he won the heathen world to his belief.保罗过时一基督ofhis自己,教会他自己的,和制度的信念,他自己的;因为有许多神话和gnostic分子在他的神学,其中呼吁更多的非犹太人,比犹太人,他赢得了heathen世界,以他的信念。

Paul's Christ.保罗的基督。

In the foreground of all of Paul's teaching stands his peculiar vision of Christ, to which he constantly refers as his only claim and title to apostleship (I Cor. ix. 1, xv. 8; II Cor. xii. 1-7; Phil. iii. 9; Gal. i. 1, 12, 16, on which see below).在前台的所有保罗的教学站,他独特的眼光基督的,因为他不断指作为他唯一的要求和所有权apostleship (我肺心病。九,一,十五,八月;二,肺心病。十二, 1月7日;菲尔三。九月; GAL的一,一, 12 , 16 ,对其中见下文) 。 The other apostles saw Jesus in the flesh; Paul saw him when, in a state of entrancement, he was carried into paradise to the third heaven, where he heard "unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter" (II Cor. xii. 2-4).其他门徒看到耶稣在肉体;保罗看到他时,在一个国家的entrancement ,他被带进天堂,第三天堂,在那里他听到“无法形容的,换句话说,它是不合法的一名男子说出” (二肺心病。十二, 2月4日) 。 Evidently this picture of Christ must have occupied a prominent place in his mind before, just as Meṭaṭron (Mithra) and Akteriel did in the minds of Jewish mystics (see Angelology; Merkabah).显然此图片基督必须有被占领的一个突出的地方,在他心目中之前,正如meṭaṭron (密特拉)和akteriel没有在人的头脑中的犹太神秘主义者(见angelology ; merkabah ) 。 To him the Messiah was the son of God in a metaphysical sense, "the image of God" (II Cor. iv. 4; Col. i. 15), "the heavenly Adam" (I Cor. xv. 49; similar to the Philonic or cabalistic Adam Ḳadmon), the mediator between God and the world (I Cor. viii. 6), "the first-born of all creation, for by him were all things created" (Col. i. 15-17), identical also with the Holy Spirit manifested in Israel's history (I Cor. x. 4; II Cor. iii. 17; comp. Wisdom x. 1.-xii. 1; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat," § 30; see also Jew. Encyc. x. 183b, sv Preexistence of the Messiah).他弥赛亚是上帝的儿子在形而上的意义上说, “的形象,以神之名” (二肺心病。四,四;上校一15 ) , “天堂的亚当” (我肺心病。十五。 49 ;相似该philonic或cabalistic亚当ḳadmon ) ,人之间的调停人的上帝和世界的(我肺心病。八。 6 ) , “第一次出生的所有创作,为他所创造的一切事物” (上校一15-17 )相同,也与圣灵体现在以色列的历史(我肺心病。十四;二,肺心病。三, 17人;可比。智慧十1. -十二。 1 ;斐洛, “德雇佣条例和deterius potiori insidiari soleat ” § 30日;也见犹太人。 encyc 。十, 183b , sv preexistence的弥赛亚) 。

It is, however, chiefly as "the king of glory" (I Cor. ii. 8), as ruler of the powers of light and life eternal, that Christ is to manifest his cosmic power.然而,它主要是为“国王的荣耀” (我肺心病二。 8 ) ,作为统治者的权力,轻和永恒的生命,基督是要体现他的宇宙的权力。 He has to annihilate Satan or Belial, the ruler of this world of darkness and death, with all his hosts of evil, physical and moral (I Cor. xv. 24-26).他要消灭撒旦或belial ,统治者,这个世界的黑暗和死亡,与他的所有主机的邪恶,身体和精神(我肺心病。十五, 24日至26日) 。 Paul's "gnosis" (I Cor. viii. 1, 7; II Cor. ii. 14; I Tim. vi. 20) is a revival of Persian dualism, which makes of all existence, whether physical, mental, or spiritual, a battle between light and darkness (I Thess. v. 4-5; Eph. v. 8-13; Col. i. 13), between flesh and spirit (I Cor. xv. 48; Rom. viii. 6-9), between corruption and life everlasting (I Cor. xv. 50, 53).保罗的“预后” (我肺心病。八,一,七;二,肺心病。二。 14 ,我添。六。二十日)是一个复苏的波斯二元论,这使得所有的存在,无论是身体,心理,或精神,战役之间的光明与黑暗(我thess 。五, 4月5日;以弗所书五8月13日;上校一13 ) ,之间的血肉和精神, (我肺心病。十五,第48条;光碟。八。 6月9日) ,腐败与生命永恒的(我肺心病。十五。 50 , 53 ) 。 The object of the Church is to obtain for its members the spirit, the glory, and the life of Christ, its "head," and to liberate them from the servitude of and allegiance to the flesh and the powers of earth.对象的教会是要取得其成员的精神,荣耀,和生命的基督,其“总目” ,解放他们从奴役和效忠的肉和权力地球。 In order to become participants in the salvation that had come and the resurrection that was nigh, the saints were to cast off the works of darkness and to put on the armor of light, the breastplate of love, and the helmet of hope (Rom. xiii. 12; II Cor. x. 4; Eph. vi. 11. I Thess. v. 8; comp. Wisdom v. 17-18; Isa. lix. 17; "the weapons of light of the people of Israel," Pesiḳ, R. 33 [ed. Buber, p. 154]; Targ. Yer. to Ex. xxxiii. 4; "the men of the shields" ["ba'ale teresin"], a name for high-ranking Gnostics, Ber. 27b; also "the vestiture of light" in Mandæan lore, "Jahrbuch für Protestantische Theologie," xviii. 575-576).在为了成为与会者在拯救了来和复活,这是几乎是,圣人要摆脱黑暗的工程,并停止向装甲轻, breastplate的爱情,和头盔的希望(罗马书十三。 12 ;二,肺心病。十四;弗。六。 11 ,我thess 。五,八;可比。智慧诉17日至18日;伊萨。 lix 。 17 ; “的武器,根据对以色列人民来说, “ pesiḳ , r. 33 [教育署。布伯,第154 〕 ; targ 。 yer 。当然。三十三,四; ”官兵的盾牌“ [ ” ba'ale teresin “ ] ,一个名称为高级gnostics ,误码率。 27 B款;也是“ vestiture轻”在mandæan传说, “ jahrbuch f黵protestantische theologie , ”十八。 575-576 ) 。

The Crucified Messiah.被钉十字架的弥赛亚。

How then can this world of perdition and evil, of sin and death, be overcome, and the true life be attained instead?又怎能这个世界的灭亡与邪恶,罪恶和死亡,加以克服,和真实生活达到呢? This question, which, according to a Talmudic legend (Tamid 32a), Alexander the Great put to the wise men of the South, was apparently the one uppermost also in the mind of Paul (see Kabisch,"Die Eschatologie des Paulus," 1893); and in the form of a vision of the crucified Christ the answer came to him to "die in order to live."这个问题,其中,根据一项talmudic传说( tamid 32A条) ,亚历山大大帝向智者南,显然是一个上也有心目中的保罗(见卡比施, “模具eschatologie万保禄” , 1893 ) ;而在形式的构想,被钉十字架的基督的答案来他说: “死在为了生活” 。 This vision, seen in his ecstatic state, was to him more than a mere reality: it was the pledge ("'erabon" of the resurrection and the life of which he was in quest. Having seen "the first-born of the resurrection" (I Cor. xv. 20-24; the Messiah is called "the first-born" also in Midr. Teh. to Ps. lxxxix. 28, and in Ex. R. xix. 7), he felt certain of the new life which all "the sons of light" were to share. No sooner had the idea taken hold of him that the world of resurrection, or "the kingdom of God," had come, or would come with the speedy reappearance of the Messiah, than he would invest with higher powers "the elect ones" who were to participate in that life of the spirit. There can be no sin or sensual passion in a world in which the spirit rules. Nor is there need of any law in a realm where men live as angels (comp. "The dead is free from all obligations of the Law," Shab. 30a, 151b; Niddah 61b). To bring back the state of paradise and to undo the sin of Adam, the work of the serpent, which brought death into the world-this seems to have been the dream of Paul. The baptism of the Church, to which sinners and saints, women and men, Jews and Gentiles, were alike invited, suggested to him the putting off of the earthly Adam and the putting on of the heavenly Adam (Rom. vi.). He was certain that by the very power of their faith, which performed all the wonders of the spirit in the Church (I Cor. xii., xv.), would the believers in Christ at the time of his reappearance be also miraculously lifted to the clouds and transformed into spiritual bodies for the life of the resurrection (I Thess. iv.; I Cor. xv.; Rom. viii.). These are the elements of Paul's theology-a system of belief which endeavored to unite all men, but at the expense of sound reason and common sense.这个愿景,见之于他欣喜若狂的国家,他更不仅仅是一个现实:这是承诺( “ erabon ”的复活和生活,他是在追求。看过“第一次出生的复活“ (我肺心病。十五, 20日至24日;弥赛亚是所谓的”第一出生“ ,也midr 。 。到PS 。 lxxxix 。 28 ,并在特惠。 r.十九。 7 ) ,他认为,一定的新的生命,其中所有“的儿子,轻”分享。迟早没有了思想,抓住他说,世界上的复活,或“神的国度, ”已经到来,还是会来与迅速重现弥赛亚,比他将投资具有较高的权力“ ,选出的”谁分别参加在这生命的精神。不可能有任何单或感官的激情在这个世界中,精神的规则,也不是有需要的任何法律,在一个境界男人活天使( comp. “死者是免费的,从所有的义务,依法”的Shab 。 30A条, 151b ; niddah 61 B ) 。带回国的天堂,撤消单亚当,工作该蛇,它带来的死亡融入世界-这似乎已成为梦想的保罗。洗礼的教堂,其中的罪人和圣人,妇女和男子,犹太人和外邦人,都被邀请,建议他暂缓对俗世的亚当和把对的天堂亚当(罗马书六) 。他是肯定的是,由非常的权力,他们的信仰,履行所有的奥妙的精神,在教会里(我肺心病。十二,十五) ,将信徒在基督里在的时候,他的再现,也奇迹般地解除向云和转化的法身,为生命的复活(我thess 。四,我肺心病。十五。 ;光碟。八) 。这些都是要素保罗的神学-一系统的信仰所努力团结一切男性,但牺牲了健全的原因,和普通常识。

Paul's Conversion.保罗的转换。

There is possibly a historical kernel to the story related in the Acts (vii. 58-ix. 1-31, xxii. 3-21, xxvi. 10-19), that, while on the road to Damascus, commissioned with the task of exterminating the Christian movement antagonistic to the Temple and the Law (ib. vi. 13), Paul had a vision in which Jesus appeared to him, saying, "Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?"有可能是一个历史的内核,以故事,在相关的行为( vii. 58 -九。 1月31日,二十二, 3月21日,第26 。 10月19日) ,认为,虽然对道路大马士革,与委托的任务的灭绝基督徒学生运动对立的庙宇和法律( ib.六, 13 ) ,保罗有一个高瞻远瞩,在耶稣在他看来,他说: “娑罗双树,娑罗双树,为什么persecutest你我” ? (comp. I Sam. xxvi. 18); that in consequence of this vision he became, with the aid of Ananais, one of the Christian seers, "a chosen vessel unto me [Christ], to bear my name before the Gentiles." ( comp. i山姆。 26 。 18 ) ;后果,在这个愿景,他成了,借助ananais之一,基督教seers , “选择的船只所不欲,我[基督] ,承担我名下的前外邦人。 “ According to the Acts (vii. 58; ix. 2; xxii. 5; xxv. 1, 10-12), Paul was a young man charged by the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem with the execution of Stephen and the seizure of the disciples of Jesus.根据该行为( vii. 58 ;九。 2 ;二十二。五;二十五。一, 10月12日) ,保罗是一位年轻的男子被控由sanhedrin在耶路撒冷与执行斯蒂芬,并检获门徒耶稣。 The statement, however (ib. xxii. 8-9), that, being a zealous observer of the law of the Fathers, "he persecuted the Church unto death," could have been made only at a time when it was no longer known what a wide difference existed between the Sadducean high priests and elders, who had a vital interest in quelling the Christian movement, and the Pharisees, who had no reason for condemning to death either Jesusor Stephen.声明说,但是( ib.二十二。 8-9 ) ,即,作为一个热心的观察员法的父亲, “他迫害教会所不欲,死亡” ,可能已作出只在的时候,它不再是已知的什么是广泛的差异之间存在sadducean高牧师和长老,谁了切身利益,在平息基督教运动,和法利赛,谁已没有理由谴责死刑,要么jesusor斯蒂芬。 In fact, it is derived from the Epistle to the Galatians (i. 13-14), the spuriousness of which has been shown by Bruno Baur, Steck, and most convincingly by Friedrich Maehliss ("Die Unechtheit des Galaterbriefs," 1891).事实上,这是来自书信向加拉太书(一13-14 ) , spuriousness ,其中已经表明,由布鲁诺鲍尔, steck ,最有说服力由Friedrich maehliss ( “死unechtheit万galaterbriefs , ” 1891 ) 。 The same is the case with Phil.同样的情况是,与菲尔。 iii.三。 5. 5 。 Acts xxii.行为二十二。 17-18 speaks of another vision which Paul had while in the Temple, in which Jesus told him to depart from Jerusalem and go with his gospel to the Gentiles. 17日至18日谈到的另一个愿景,其中保罗,而在庙,在其中耶稣对他说离开耶路撒冷前往与他的福音向外邦人。 Evidently Paul entertained long before his vision those notions of the Son of God which he afterward expressed; but the identification of his Gnostic Christ with the crucified Jesus of the church he had formerly antagonized was possibly the result of a mental paroxysm experienced in the form of visions.显然保罗受理前不久他的远见,这些概念,上帝的儿子,他事后表示,但确定他的gnostic基督同钉在十字架上的耶稣教会他以前拮抗作用可能是导致精神病发作的经验,在形式愿景。

Barnabas and Other Hellenists.巴拿巴和其他hellenists 。

Whether the Hellenists in Jerusalem, at the head of whom stood Stephen, Philip, and others named in Acts vii.是否hellenists在耶路撒冷,在头部,其中为斯蒂芬,弘,和其他被点名的行为七。 1-5, exerted an influence upon Paul, can not be ascertained: that Barnabas, who was a native of Cyprus, did, may be assumed with certainty. 1月5日,施加影响后,郑明训,不能确定:巴拿巴,谁是土生土长的塞浦路斯,那样,可以假定与肯定。 He was Paul's older companion, apparently of a more imposing stature (Acts xiv. 12); and, according to ib.他是保罗的老年人的伴侣,显然是一个更施加的地位(行为十四。 12 ) ; ,而根据兴业。 ix.九。 27, he introduced Paul to the apostles and induced him (xi. 25) to cooperate with him in the church of Antioch. 27日,他介绍了保罗以使徒和诱导他( xi. 25日)与他合作,在教堂的安提阿。 The two traveled together as collectors of charity for the poor of the Jerusalem church (ib. xi. 30, xv. 2; see Apostle), and as preachers of the gospel (ib. xiii. 3, 7, 13, 14, 43, 46, 50; xiv. 14, 20; xv. 2, 12, 22, 35), Paul soon becoming the more powerful preacher.两个一起走过的作为收藏家的慈善为穷人服务的耶路撒冷教会( ib.十一。 30 ,十五。 2 ;见使徒) ,并作为传教士的福音( ib.十三。 3 , 7 , 13 , 14 , 43 , 46 , 50 ;十四。 14日, 20日;十五。 2 , 12 , 22 , 35 ) ,保罗尽快成为更强大的布道者。 Finally, on account of dissensions, probably of a far more serious nature than stated either in Acts xv.最后,关于帐户的纠纷,可能是一个更为严重的性质,比陈述的行为,无论是在十五。 36-39 or Gal. 36-39或半乳糖。 ii.二。 13, they separated. 13日,他们分开。 That both Paul and Barnabas held views different from those of the other apostles may be learned from I Cor.双方保罗和巴拿巴举行了不同的意见,这些其他使徒可能据悉,从林前。 ix.九。 6. 6 。 Paul's relation to Apollos also was apparently that of a younger colaborer to an older and more learned one (I Cor. i. 10, iii. 5-23, xvi. 12).保罗的关系apollos也显然认为,一个年轻的colaborer一个老年人和更多的教训之一, (我肺心病。一,十,三, 5月23日,第十六届12段) 。

His Missionary Travels.他的传教旅行。

According to Acts xiii., xiv., xvii-xviii.根据行为的第十三,十四,十七-十八。 (see Jew. Encyc. ix. 252-254, sv New Testament), Paul began working along the traditional Jewish line of proselytizing in the various synagogues where the proselytes of the gate and the Jews met; and only because he failed to win the Jews to his views, encountering strong opposition and persecution from them, did he turn to the Gentile world after he had agreed at a convention with the apostles at Jerusalem to admit the Gentiles into the Church only as proselytes of the gate, that is, after their acceptance of the Noachian laws (Acts xv. 1-31). (见犹太人。 encyc 。九。 252-254 , sv新约圣经) ,保罗开始工作,沿传统路线,犹太人传教,在各犹太教堂的地方proselytes的大门和犹太人的会见;不仅是因为他未能赢得犹太人他的看法,遇到强烈反对和迫害他们,他反过来向詹蒂莱世界后,他已同意在公约与使徒在耶路撒冷承认外邦人进入教会只是作为proselytes的门,即是后它们接受对noachian法律(行为十五。 1月31日) 。 This presentation of Paul's work is, however, incompatible with the attitude toward the Jews and the Law taken by him in the Epistles.此演示文稿保罗的工作,但是,不符合的态度,犹太人和法律所采取的,他在书信。 Nor can any historical value be attached to the statement in Gal.也不能有任何历史价值的附加声明,在GAL的。 ii.二。 1-10 that, by an agreement with the seeming pillars of the Church, the work was divided between Peter and Paul, the "gospel of circumcision" being committed to the one, and the "gospel of uncircumcision" to the other; as the bitter and often ferocious attacks against both the Jews and the apostles of the Judæo-Christian Church (in Phil. iii. 2 he calls them "dogs") would then have been uncalled for and unpardonable. 1月10日,通过协议与表面的支柱,教会,工作划分之间的彼得和保罗, “福音割礼”正在致力于一个,和“福音uncircumcision ”向其他;作为惨痛的,而且往往凶恶的攻击都犹太人和使徒的judæo -基督教堂(在菲尔。三,二,他呼吁他们“狗” )便被多余的和不可原谅的。 In reality Paul had little more than the name of apostle in common with the actual disciples of Jesus.在现实中,郑明训曾多一点的名称,使徒在共同与实际耶稣的门徒。 His field of work was chiefly, if not exclusively, among the Gentiles; he looked for a virgin soil wherein to sow the seeds of the gospel; and he succeeded in establishing throughout Greece, Macedonia, and Asia Minor churches in which there were "neither Jews nor Gentiles," but Christians who addressed each other as "brethren" or "saints."他的工作领域主要是,如果不是全部,其中包括外邦人;他期待为美属维尔京土壤,其中以播下种子的福音;他成功地建立了整个希腊,马其顿,和亚洲的小教堂,其中有“不犹太人,也不外邦人“ ,但基督徒谁处理对方为”兄弟“或”圣人“ 。 Regarding his great missionary journeys as described in the Acts after older documents, see Jew.关于他的伟大的传教行程中所述的行为后,旧文件,看到犹太人。 Encyc. encyc 。 lc pp.立法会页。 252-254. 252-254 。 As to the chronology, much reliance can not be placed either on Gal.以年表,更依赖不能置于无论是对GAL的。 i.我。 17-ii. 17 -二。 3 or on the Acts with its contradictory statements. 3 ,或行为,其自相矛盾的说法。

From II Cor.从二,肺心病。 xi.十一。 24-32 (comp. ib. vi. 4; I Cor. iv. 11) it may be learned that his missionary work was beset with uncommon hardships. 24-32 ( comp.兴业。六,四,我肺心病四。 11 )可以了解到,他的传教工作的困扰与不寻常的困难。 He labored hard day and night as a tent-maker for a livelihood (Acts xviii. 3; I Thess ii. 9; II Thess, iii. 8; I Cor. iv. 12, ix. 6-18).他labored努力一天一夜,作为一个帐篷制造商为民生(行为十八。三,我thess二,九; thess二,三,八,我肺心病。四,十二,九, 6月18日) 。 He says (II Cor. ix.) that more frequently than any other apostle he was imprisoned, punished with stripes, and in peril of death on land and sea; five times he received the thirtynine stripes in the synagogue, obviously for some public transgression of the Law (Deut. xxv. 3); three times was he beaten with rods, probably by the city magistrates (comp. Acts xvi. 22); once he was stoned by the people; and thrice he suffered shipwreck, being in the water a night and a day.他说, (二肺心病。九。 )更频密,比任何其他使徒,他被监禁,处罚与条纹,并在危险的死亡对陆地和海上; 5倍,他收到了thirtynine的条纹,在犹太教堂,很明显,一些公共侵该法(申命记二十五。 3 ) ;三倍,是他的殴打,棒,可能是由城裁判( comp.行为十六, 22 ) ;一旦他被投掷石块,由人民;三次和他遭受沉船,被在该水一晚和一个天。 In Damascus he was imprisoned by King Aretas at the instigation, not of the Jews, as is stated by modern historians, but of the Jerusalem authorities; and he escaped through being let down in a basket from a window (II Cor. xi. 24-32; comp. Acts xxvii. 41).在大马士革,他被囚禁国王aretas在其唆使,而不是犹太人,因为是按现代历史学家,但对耶路撒冷当局;和他逃脱被辜负,在一篮子从一个窗口(二肺心病。十一。 24 -32 ;可比。行为二十七41段) 。 He was besides this constantly troubled with his disease, which often made him "groan" for deliverance (I Thess. ii. 2, 19-iii. 1; II Cor. i. 8-10, iv. 7-v. 5, xii. 7; Gal. iv. 14).他除了不断的困扰,这与他的病,这往往使他的“呻吟”解脱(我thess二。 2 , 19 -三。一;二,肺心病:一, 8月10日,四,七- V上。 5 ,十二,七; GAL的四。 14 ) 。

In Greece.在希腊。

Corinth and Ephesus, the two great centers of commerce, with their strangely mixed and turbulent as well as immoral population, offered to Paul a large field for his missionary work; and, because the Jews there were few and had little influence, he had free scope and ample opportunity to build up a church according to his plans.科林斯和以弗所,两个伟大的商业中心,与他们的奇怪的混合和湍流以及不道德的人口,提供给保罗一大视场,为他的传教工作;及,因为犹太人很少有和影响不大,他曾免费范围和充分的机会,建立一个教会,根据他的计划。 He was greatly aided therein by the Roman protection which he enjoyed (Acts xviii. 12-17, xix. 35-40).他是大大的资助,因此由罗马的保护,他所享有的(行为十八。 12月17日,第十九35-40 ) 。 Yet as long as the church at Jerusalem was in his way he found little comfort and satisfaction in his achievements, though he proudly recounted the successes which marked his journeys throughout the lands.然而,只要教会在耶路撒冷,是在他的方法,他发现小的舒适和满意,在他取得的成就,但他自豪地回忆的成功,标志着他的行程,整个的土地上。 It was to Rome that his efforts gravitated.这是罗马,他的努力gravitated 。 Not Athens, whose wisdom he decried as "folly" (I Cor. i. 17-24), but Rome's imperial city, whose administrative system he had learned to admire, attracted and fascinated his mind by its world-wide horizon and power.不是雅典,他们的智慧,他谴责为“愚蠢” (我肺心病。一17-24 ) ,但罗马的皇城,其行政制度,他学会了欣赏,吸引和着迷他心目中其全球性的视野和力量。 Consciously or unconsciously, he worked for a church with its world-center in Rome instead of in Jerusalem.自觉或不自觉地,他工作的一所教堂,与它的世界中心在罗马,而是在耶路撒冷。 A prisoner in the years 61-63 (Phil. i. 7, 16), and probably also a martyr at Rome, he laid the foundation of the world-dominion of pagan Christianity.一名囚犯在未来几年61-63 ( phil.一7 , 16 ) ,并可能也是一个烈士在罗马,他奠定了基础,对世界的统治异教的基督教。 (For futher biographical details, which form the subject of much dispute among Christians, but are of no special interest for Jewish readers, see the article "Paul" in Hauck,"Real-Encyc.," in Hastings, "Dict. Bible," and similar works.) (作进一步的履历细节,形成经过了多番争议的基督徒,但都没有特别的兴趣,犹太人的读者,请参阅文章“保罗”在hauck , “实时encyc , ”在黑斯廷斯, “翻译字典。圣经“和类似的工程) 。

Paul's Church versus the Synagogue.保罗的教会银两犹太教堂。

In order to understand fully the organization and scope of the Church as mapped out by Paul in his Epistles, a comparison thereof with the organization and the work of the Synagogue, including the Essene community, seems quite proper.在以充分了解的组织结构和范围教会制定的保罗在他的书信,一个比较有与该组织的工作,该犹太教堂,包括厄社会,似乎是相当正确的。 Each Jewish community when organized as a congregation possessed in, or together with, its synagogue an institution (1) for common worship, (2) for the instruction of young and old in the Torah, and (3) for systematic charity and benevolence.每一个犹太社区时,作为一个有组织的聚集,拥有的,或连同其犹太教堂的一个机构( 1 )为共同的崇拜, ( 2 )为教学语言的年轻人和老年人,在诵读经文,及( 3 )系统的慈善机构和善心。 This threefold work was as a rule placed in charge of men of high social standing, prominent both in learning and in piety.这三个方面的工作作为一项规则放置在负责的男子高社会地位,突出无论是在学习和在孝道。 The degree of knowledge and of scrupulousness in the observance of the Torah determined the rank of the members of the Synagogue.程度的知识和scrupulousness在纪念该诵读经文确定职级的成员犹太教堂。 Among the members of the Essene brotherhood every-day life with its common meals came under special rules of sanctity, as did their prayers and their charities as well as their visits to the sick, the Holy Spirit being especially invoked by them as a divine factor, preparing them also for the Messianic kingdom of which they lived in expectation (see Essenes).各成员之间的厄兄弟每一天的生活,其共同膳食来下的特别规则的严肃性,因为没有他们的祈祷和他们的慈善机构,以及他们访问患病,圣灵被引用,尤其是他们作为一个神圣的因素,他们还准备为救世主的英国,其中他们住在期望(见essenes ) 。 The Christian Church, in adopting the name and form of the Essene Church (Εκκλησία; see Congregation), lent to both the bath (see Baptism) and the communion meals (see Agape) a new character.基督教教会,在采用的名称和形式的厄教堂( εκκλησία ;见众) ,出借都浴(见洗礼)和共融的膳食(见爱德)的新特点。

Influence of the Greek Mysteries.的影响,希腊的奥秘。

Paul, the Hellenist, however, knowingly or unknowingly, seems to have taken the heathen cult associations as his pattern while introducing new features into the Church (see Anrich, "Das Antike Mysterienwesen in Seinem Einfluss auf das Christenthum," 1894; Wobbermin, "Religionsgeschichtliche Studien zur Frage der Beeinflussung des Urchristenthums Durch das Antike Mysterienwesen," 1896, p. 153; Hatch, "Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church," 1890, pp. 281-296; Cumont, "Die Mysterien des Mithra, Deutsch von Gehrich," 1903, pp. 101, 118-119; Anz, "Ursprung des Gnosticismus," 1897, pp. 98-107; Reizenstein and Kabisch, lc).郑明训, hellenist ,不过,在知情或不知情的,似乎已采取了heathen邪教协会作为他的模式,而引入新的功能集成到教会(见anrich , “安之mysterienwesen在seinem einfluss auf之christenthum , ” 1894年; wobbermin “ religionsgeschichtliche studien zur frage明镜beeinflussung万urchristenthums durch之安mysterienwesen , “ 1896年,第153条;舱口, ”的影响,希腊的思路和用法后,基督教教堂, “ 1890年,第281-296 ;库蒙, ”模具mysterien万密特拉,说明deutsch english冯gehrich , “ 1903年,第101 , 118-119段;澳纽, ” ursprung万gnosticismus , “ 1897年,第98-107 ; reizenstein和卡比施,立法会) 。 To him baptism is no longer a symbolic rite suggestive of purification or regeneration, as in Jewish and Judæo-Christian circles (see Baptism), but a mystic rite by which the person that enters the water and emerges again undergoes an actual transformation, dying with Christ to the world of flesh and sin, and rising with him to the world of the spirit, the new life of the resurrection (Rom. vi. 1-10).他的洗礼,已经不再是一个象征性的仪式暗示净化或再生,在犹太人和judæo -基督教界(见洗礼) ,而是一个神秘的仪式,由该人进入水和出现再次经历了一个实际的转型,与死亡基督向世界肉和单仲偕,和上升与他向世界的精神,新的生命复活(罗马书六, 1月10日) 。

Still more is the partaking of the bread and the wine of the communion meal, the so-called "Lord's Supper," rendered the means of a mystic union with Christ, "a participation in his blood and body," exactly as was the Mithraic meal a real participation in the blood and body of Mithra (see Cumont, lc).还有更多的是partaking的面包和酒的共融的膳食,所谓“上帝的晚餐” ,使手段,一个神秘联盟与基督“ ,参与了他的血液和身体”完全一样是mithraic一顿真正参与在血液和身体的密特拉(见屈蒙,立法会) 。 To Paul, the Holy Spirit itself is not an ethical but a magic power that works sanctification and salvation.保罗,圣灵本身是不是一个道德,但魔术电力工程成圣和救赎。 It is a mystic substance permeating the Church as a dynamic force, rendering all the members saints, and pouring forth its graces in the various gifts, such as those of prophesying, speaking in tongues, and interpreting voices, and others displayed in teaching and in the administration of charity and similar Church functions (Rom. xii. 4-8; I Cor. xii., xiv.; see Kabisch, lc pp. 261-281).这是一个神秘的物质渗透到教会作为一个动力,使所有成员的圣人,浇筑提出其青睐,在各种礼物,如那些prophesying发言,在舌头,和解释的声音,和其他显示在教学和在政府当局的慈善和类似教堂的职能(罗马书十二, 4月8日,我肺心病。十二,十四。 ;见卡比施,立法会页。 261-281 ) 。 The Church forms "the body of Christ" not in a figurative sense, but through the same mystic actuality as that by which the participants of heathen cults become, through their mysteries or sacraments, parts of their deities.教会形式的“基督的身体, ”不是在一个比喻的意义上,而是透过同样的神秘的现状,因为这其中的参与者heathen成为邪教,透过他们的奥秘,或圣礼,其部分神。 Such is the expressed view of Paul when he contrasts the "table of Christ" with the "table of the demons" (I Cor. x. 20-21).就是这样表达的观点,保罗时,他对比了“表基督”与“表的恶魔” (我肺心病。十, 20日至21日) 。 While Paul borrows from the Jewish propaganda literature, especially the Sibyllines, the idea of the divine wrath striking especially those that commit the capital sins of idolatry and incest (fornication) and acts of violence or fraudulence (Rom. i. 18-32; I Thess. iv. 5), and while he accordingly wishes the heathen to turn from their idols to God, with desire of being saved by His son (I Thess. i. 9-10), his Church has by no means the moral perfection of the human race for its aim and end, as has Judaism.而保罗借用从犹太人的宣传文学,尤其是sibyllines ,构思,神的愤怒突出,特别是那些承诺资本捷联惯导系统的偶像崇拜和乱伦(私通)和暴力行为或欺诈(罗马书一18-32 ;我thess四。 5 ) ,而他因此希望heathen ,把从他们的偶像,向上帝,与愿望被保存他的儿子(我thess :一, 9月10日) ,他教会绝不是道德完善对人类为它的目的和归宿,作为已犹太教。 Salvation alone, that is, redemption from a world of perdition and sin, the attainment of a life of incorruption, is the object; yet this is the privilege only of those chosen and predestined "to be conformed to the image of His [God's] son" (Rom. viii. 28-30).救国单,那就是赎回,从世界的灭亡和单仲偕,实现生活的廉政建设,是对象;然而,这是特权,只有那些选择和命中注定“要符合的形象,他[上帝的]儿子“ (罗马书八28-30 ) 。 It is accordingly not personal merit nor the greater moral effort that secures salvation, but some arbitrary act of divine grace which justifies one class of men and condemns the other (ib. ix.).因此,这是不是个人的好处,也没有更大的道德努力,确保救赎,但有些人任意的行为神圣的恩典,这是合理的一类男人和谴责其他( ib.第九) 。 It is not righteousness, nor even faith-in the Jewish sense of perfect trust in the all-loving and all-forgiving God and Father-which leads to salvation, but faith in the atoning power of Christ's death, which in some mystic or judicial manner justifies the undeserving (Rom. iii. 22, iv., v.; comp. Faith; for the mystic conception of faith, πίστις, in Hellenism alongside of gnosis, see Reizenstein, lc pp. 158-159).这不是正义,甚至没有信仰,在犹太人的意识,完善的信任,在所有爱好和所有-原谅上帝和父亲,导致救赎,但信仰,在atoning的权力,基督的死,这在一些神秘的或司法地辩解undeserving (罗马书三22 ,四,五;可比。信仰;神秘的概念,信念, πίστις ,在希腊并肩的预后,见reizenstein ,立法会页。 158-159 ) 。

The Mystery of the Cross.谜两岸。

Heathen as is the conception of a church securing a mystic union with the Deity by means of sacramental rites, equally pagan is Paul's conception of the crucifixion of Jesus. heathen作为是观一所教堂确保一个神秘联盟与神的手段圣仪式,同样异教的是保罗的概念,受难的耶稣。 While he accepts the Judæo-Christian view of the atoning power of the death of Jesus as the suffering Messiah (Rom. iii. 25, viii. 3), the crucifixion of Jesus as the son of God assumes for him at the very beginning the character of a mystery revealed to him, "a stumbling-block to the Jews and folly to the Greeks" (I Cor. i. 23-ii. 2, ii. 7-10).同时,他接受judæo基督教鉴于该atoning的权力,死亡,耶稣的苦难弥赛亚(罗马书三25 ,八。 3 ) ,在十字架上的耶稣是上帝的儿子假定为他在一开始就品格是一个谜透露,他说, “绊脚石块向犹太人和愚蠢到希腊人” (我肺心病。一23 -二。 2 ,二, 7月10日) 。 It is to him a cosmic act by which God becomes reconciled to Himself.这是他的宇宙的行为,上帝成为调和自己。 God sent "his own son in the likeness of sinful flesh" in order to have His wrath appeased by his death.上帝发出“自己的儿子,在相似的罪孽深重的肉” ,以便有他的愤怒安抚他的死因。 "He spared not his own Son, but delivered him up," so that by his blood all men might be saved (Rom. v. 8; viii. 3, 32). “他不遗余力地不是他自己的儿子,但他发表了” ,使他的血液中的所有男性可能会被保存(罗马书五,八;八。三, 32 ) 。 To a Jewish mind trained by rabbinical acumen this is not pure monotheistic, but mythological, thinking.以一个犹太人心目中的训练,犹太教触觉,这不是单纯的一神教,但神话,思想。 Paul's "Son of God" is, far more than the Logos of Philo, an infringement of the absolute unity of God.保罗的“上帝的儿子”是,远多于徽号的斐洛,侵犯了绝对的统一,上帝。 While the predicate "God" applied to him in Titus ii.而上游的“神”适用于他在提图斯二。 13 may be put to the account of Paul's school rather than to his own, throughout all the Epistles a share in the divinity is ascribed to Jesus in such a manner as to detract from the glory of God. 5月13日提出的帐户,郑明训的学校,而不是为了他自己,整个所有的书信份额,在神是归因于耶稣以这种方式,以无损于神的荣耀。 He is, or is expected to be, called upon as"the Lord" (I Cor. i. 2; Rom. x. 13; Phil. ii. 10-11).他是,或预计将呼吁为“上帝” (我肺心病。一,二;光碟。十, 13人;菲尔。二, 10月11日) 。 Only the pagan idea of the "man-God" or "the second God," the world's artificer, and "son of God" (in Plato, in the Hermes-Tot literature as shown by Reizenstein, lc), or the idea of a king of light descending to Hades, as in the Mandæan-Babylonian literature (Brandt, "Die Mandäische Religion," 1889, pp. 151-156), could have suggested to Paul the conception of a God who surrenders the riches of divinity and descends to the poverty of earthly life in order to become a savior of the human race (I Cor. xv. 28, with ref. to Ps. viii. 6-7; Phil. ii. 6-10).只有异教徒的想法“人神”或“第二神” ,世界的artificer ,和“上帝的儿子” (在柏拉图,在赫尔墨斯-师资培训作为文学表现的reizenstein ,立法会) ,或构思国王轻递减到地狱,如在mandæan -巴比伦文学(勃兰特, “模具mandäische宗教, ” 1889年,第151-156 ) ,可能曾建议保禄二世的概念,是上帝谁投降的财富神和降,以贫困的人间生活,以便成为救世主的人类(我肺心病。十五, 28日,同号。到PS 。八。 6月7日;菲尔。二, 6月10日) 。 Only from Alexandrian Gnosticism, or, as Reizenstein (lc pp. 25-26; comp. pp. 278, 285) convincingly shows, only from pagan pantheism, could he have derived the idea of the "pleroma," "the fulness" of the Godhead dwelling in Christ as the head of all principality and power, as him who is before all things and in whom all things consist (Col. i. 15-19, ii. 9).只有从亚历山大诺斯底主义,或者作为reizenstein (立法会第25日至26日;可比。页278 , 285 )令人信服地表明,只有从异教的泛神论,他得出的想法“ pleroma ” , “ fulness ”该神的源头居住在基督里为团长的所有摩纳哥和权力,正如他是谁之前,所有的东西,在其中所有的东西,构成(一上校15日至19日,二,九) 。

Paul's Opposition to the Law.保罗的反对,该法。

Paul's attitude toward the Law was by no means hostile from the beginning or on principle, as the interpolated Epistle to the Romans and the spurious one to the Galatians represent it.保罗的态度,法律是绝不敌对从一开始或在原则上,作为插值书信向罗马和杂散一到加拉太代表它。 Neither is it the legalistic (nomistic) character of Pharisaic Judaism which he militates against, as Jesus in the Gospels is represented as doing; nor was he prompted by the desire to discriminate between the ceremonial and the moral laws in order to accentuate the spiritual side of religion.也不是该法律( nomistic )的性质pharisaic犹太教他militates反对,因为耶稣在福音派代表做,也不是他所促成的愿望歧视之间的礼仪和道德法律,以加剧的精神方宗教。 Still less was he prompted by that allegorizing method of which Philo ("De Migratione Abrahami," § 16) speaks as having led many to the disregard of certain ceremonial laws, such as circumcision (M. Friedländer, "Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Christenthums," pp. 149, 163, Vienna, 1894).仍然不足,他提示说,寓言的方法,其中斐洛( “时点migratione abrahami , ” § 16 )说,有导致许多人无视某些礼节性的法律,如包皮环切术(米friedländer , “ zur entstehungsgeschichte万christenthums ”第149 , 163 ,维也纳, 1894 ) 。 All such interpretations fail to account for Paul's denunciation of all law, moral as well as ceremonial, as an intrinsic evil (Hausrath, "Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte," 2d ed., iii. 14).所有这些解释未能帐户保罗的退约的所有法律,道德以及礼仪,作为一个内在的邪恶(毫斯瑞, “ neutestamentliche zeitgeschichte , ”二维版,三, 14段) 。 According to his arguments (Rom. iii. 20, iv. 15, vii-viii.), it is the Law that begets sin and works wrath, because without the Law there is no transgression.根据他的论点(罗马书三20 ,四15 ,七-八) ,这是法律产生单仲偕及工务局的愤怒,因为没有法律是没有侵。 "I had not known lust, except the Law had said, Thou shalt not covet" (ib. vii. 7). “我不知道的欲望,除法律有说,你不可觊觎” ( ib.七。 7 ) 。 He has no faith in the moral power of man: "I know that in me (that is, in my flesh) dwelleth no good thing" (ib. vii. 18).他有没有信心,在道德力量的男子: “我知道在我(即是,在我的肉体)住没有一件好事” ( ib.七。 18 ) 。 What he is aiming at is that state in which the sinfulness of the flesh is entirely overcome by the spirit of Christ who is "the end of the Law" (ib. x. 4), because he is the beginning of the resurrection.他是针对的是,国家在其中的罪恶的肉体是完全克服所体现的精神,基督谁是“结束法” ( ib.十4 ) ,因为他是开始复活。 For Paul, to be a member of the Church meant to be above the Law, and to serve in the newness of the spirit under a higher law (ib. vii. 4-6, 25).为保罗,是一个成员,该教会的意思凌驾于法律之上,服务,在新奇的精神下,更高的法律( ib.七, 4月6日, 25 ) 。 For in Christ, that is, by the acceptance of the belief that with him the world of resurrection has begun, man has become "a new creature: the old things are passed away . . . all things have become new" (II Cor. v. 17).为在基督里,即是由接受,相信与他的世界,复活已经开始,男子已成为“一个新的动物:旧的东西,是去世了。 。 。一切事物已成为新的” (二肺心病。五, 17 ) 。 For Paul, the world is doomed: it is flesh beset by sin and altogether of the evil one; hence home, family life, worldly wisdom, all earthly enjoyment are of no account, as they belong to a world which passes away (I Cor. vii. 31).为保罗,世界是注定:这是肉的困扰单仲偕和完全的邪恶之一,因此在家,家庭生活,世俗的智慧,所有尘世的享受都没有帐户,因为他们属于一个世界上去世(我肺心病七。 31 ) 。 Having at first only the heathen in view, Paul claims the members of the Church for Christ; hence their bodies must be consecrated to him and not given to fornication (ib. vi. 15).有在第一,只有在heathen认为,保罗宣称成员教会为基督,因此他们的尸体必须consecrated他,而不是给予私通( ib.六15 ) 。 In fact, they ought to live in celibacy; and only on account of Satan's temptation to lust are they allowed to marry (ib. vi. 18-vii. 8).事实上,他们应该住在单身;并且只在帐户中的撒旦的诱惑,欲望是他们获准结婚( ib.六。 18 -七。 8 ) 。 As regards eating and drinking, especially of offerings to idols, which were prohibited to the proselyte of the gate by the early Christians as well as by the Jews (comp. Acts xv. 29), Paul takes the singular position that the Gnostics, those who possess the higher knowledge ("gnosis"; I Cor. viii. 1, xiii. 2, xiv. 6; II Cor. iv. 6; comp. Reizenstein, lcp 158), are "the strong ones" who care not for clean and unclean things and similar ritualistic distinctions (Rom. xiv. 1-23; I Cor. viii. 1-13).至于饮食,特别是产品,以偶像,而被禁止向proselyte的门由早期的基督徒,以及由犹太人( comp.行为十五。月29日) ,保罗以奇异的立场,即gnostics ,那些谁拥有更高的知识( “预后” ,我肺心病。八,一,十三2 ,十四,六;二,肺心病。四,六;可比。 reizenstein , LCP的158 ) ,是“强者的”谁照顾不为清洁和不洁的东西,和类似的仪式性的区别(罗马书十四1月23日,我肺心病。八, 1月13日) 。 Only those that are "weak in faith" do care; and their scruples should be heeded by the others.只有那些属于“弱势在信仰”做护理;和他们的顾忌应注意其他人。 The Gnostic principle enunciated by Porphyrius ("De Abstinentia," i. 42), "Food that enters the body can as little defile free man as any impurity cast into the sea can contaminate the ocean, the deep fountain of purity" (comp. Matt. xv. 11), has in Paul's system an eschatological character: "The kingdom of God is not eating and drinking, but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost" (Rom. xiv. 17; comp. Ber. 17a; Jew. Encyc, v. 218, sv Eschatology).该gnostic的原则,所阐述的porphyrius ( “时点abstinentia , ”一42 ) , “食物进入体内,可以作为小defile自由的人,因为任何杂质的投入海,可以污染海洋,深喷泉的纯洁性” ( comp.马特。十五, 11人) ,已在保罗的系统一eschatological性格: “上帝的王国是不是大吃大喝,而是正义与和平与喜悦,在圣灵” (罗马书十四,十七;可比。误码率。 17A条;犹太人。 encyc ,五, 218 , sv末世) 。 As he stated in I Cor.正如他在I肺心病。 ix.九。 20-22: "And unto the Jews I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews; to them that are under the law, as under the law, that I might gain them that are under the law; to them that are without law, as without law (being not without law to God, but under the law to Christ), that I might gain them that are without law. To the weak became I as weak, that I might gain the weak: I am made all things to all men, that I might by all means save some." 20-22日: “和祂的犹太人我成了作为一个犹太人,我可能获得的犹太人;向他们表示是根据法律规定,因为根据法律规定,我可能会得到他们是根据法律规定;向他们表示是没有法律,因为没有法律(不是没有法律上帝,但根据法律规定,以基督的) ,我可能会获得他们说,是没有法律。薄弱,成为我作为弱者,我可能获得的薄弱:我所作的所有的东西,所有的男子,我可能会采用一切手段节省一些“ 。

The original attitude of Paul to the Law was accordingly not that of opposition as represented in Romans and especially in Galatians, but that of a claimed transcendency.原来的态度,郑明训,以法律因此并不反对为代表的在罗马,特别是在加拉太书,但一个声称超越。 He desired "the strong ones" to do without the Law as "schoolmaster" (Gal. iii. 24).他期望“强烈的” ,没有法律作为“校长” ( gal.三24段) 。 The Law made men servants: Christ rendered them "sons of God."依法作出的男子公务员:基督,使他们的“神的儿子” 。 That is, their nature was transformed into an angelic, if not altogether divine, one (Rom. viii. 14-29; I Cor. vi. 1-3).这是,其性质转化为一个天使,如果不是完全的神,一(罗马书八14-29 ;我肺心病。六1-3款) 。

Law for the Proselyte.法为proselyte 。

Only in admitting the heathen into his church did he follow the traditional Jewish practise of emphasizing at the initiation of proselytes "the law of God," consisting in "Love thy neighbor as thyself," taken from Lev.只有在承认heathen到祂的教会,他按照传统的犹太实践,强调在启动proselytes “法神” ,构成在“爱你的邻居作为你自己, ”从列弗。 xix.十九。 18 (Rom. xiii. 8-10 contains no allusion to Jesus' teaching). 18 (罗马书十三, 8月10日载有没有提到耶稣的教学) 。 Also in the mode of preparing the proselyte-by specifying to him the mandatory and prohibitive commandments in the form of a catalogue of virtues or duties and a catalogue of sins, making him promise to practise the former, and, in the form of a "widdui" (confession of sins), to avoid the latter-Paul and his school followed, in common with all the other apostles, the traditional custom, as may be learned from I Thess.此外,在模式的准备proselyte -指定他的强制性和禁止性的诫命,在形式目录的美德或职责和目录捷联惯导系统,使他的承诺,执业前,并在形式“ widdui “ (供认捷联惯导系统) ,以避免后者-保罗和他的学校其次,在共同与所有其他使徒,传统习俗,可能学到的I thess 。 iv.四。 1-10; Col. iii. 1月10日;上校三。 5-14; Rom. 5月14日;光碟。 i: 29 (comp. J. Rendel Harris, "The Teaching of the Apostles," 1887, pp. 82-84; Gal. v. 13-23, copied from Rom. lc; so also Eph. ii.-vi.; I Peter ii-iii.; I John iii.-iv.; Heb. xiii.; see Seeberg, "Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit," 1903, pp. 9-22, and Didache).一: 29 ( comp. j. rendel哈里斯, “教学的使徒, ” 1887年,第82-84 ; GAL的。诉13日至23日,从复制光盘。立法会,所以也弗。 ii.-vi.我彼得二世-三。 ;约翰iii.-iv. ; heb 。十三。 ;见seeberg , “明镜katechismus明镜urchristenheit , ” 1903年,第9月22日, didache ) 。 A comparison of the "Didascalia"with Paul's various admonitions in the Epistles likewise shows how much he was indebted to Essene teachings (See Jew. Encyc. iv. 588-590, sv Didascalia, where it is shown in a number of instances that the priority rests with the Jewish "Didascalia" and not, as is generally believed, with Paul).比较“ didascalia ”与保罗的各项告诫,在书信同样显示有多少,他感激厄的教诲(见犹太人。 encyc四。 588-590 , sv didascalia ,这表明,在一些实例说重点在于犹太人“ didascalia ” ,并非如一般认为,与保罗) 。 Also "turning from darkness to light" (I Thess. v. 4-9; Rom. xiii. 12; Eph. v. 7-11; and elsewhere) is an expression borrowed from Jewish usage in regard to proselytes who "come over from the falsehood of idolatry to the truth of monotheism" (see Philo, "De Monarchia." i. 7; idem, "De Pœnitentia," §§ 1-2; comp. "Epistle of Barnabas," xix. 1-xx. 1).此外, “谈到从黑暗到光明” (我thess 。五, 4月9日;光碟。十三。 12 ;以弗所书五7月11日;和其他地方)是一个表达借来的,由犹太人在使用方面proselytes谁“来从假的偶像崇拜,以真理,神“ (见斐洛, ”德monarchia 。 “一,七;同上, ”德pœnitentia , “ § § 1月2日;可比” 。书信巴拿巴, “十九。 1 -第XX 1款) 。 It is rather difficult to reconcile these moral injunctions with the Pauline notion that, since law begets sin, there should be no law ruling the members of the Church.它是相当困难的调和这些道德禁令与宝莲的概念,自法产生单仲偕,不应该有法律的裁决,成员教会。 It appears, however, that Paul used frequently the Gnostic term τέλειος= "perfect," "mature" (I Thess. v. 4, 10; Phil. iii. 12, 15; I Cor. ii. 6, xiii. 12 et seq., xiv. 20; Eph. iv. 13; Col. i. 28).看来,不过,保罗经常使用该gnostic任期τέλειος = “完美” , “成熟” (我thess 。诉4日, 10日;菲尔三。 12 , 15 ,我肺心病二。六,十三,十二等以下各段,十四,二十;弗四。 13 ;上校一28 ) 。 This term, taken from Grecian mysteries (see Light-foot, "Epistles to the Colossians," ad loc.), and used also in Wisdom iv.这一届,采取从希腊之谜(见轻脚, “书信向歌罗西书, ”广告同上。 ) ,也用于在智慧四。 13, ix. 13日,第九。 6, suggested an asceticism which in some circles of saints led to the unsexing of man for the sake of fleeing from lust (Wisdom iii. 13-14; Philo, "De Eo Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiatur," § 48; Matt. xix. 12; see Conybeare, lcp 24).六,建议禁欲,这在某些圈子的圣人,导致了unsexing的男子,为了逃离的欲望(智慧三。 13-14 ;斐洛, “德雇佣条例和deterius potiori insidiatur , ” § 48 ;马特。十九。 12 ,见科尼比尔, LCP的24 ) 。 For Paul, then, the Christian's aim was to be mature and ready for the day when all would be "caught up in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air" and be with Him forever (I Thess. iv. 16-17).为保罗,那么,基督教的目的是发展成熟,并准备为一天,当所有的将是“却被挡在了云层,以满足勋爵在空气中” ,并与他永远(我thess四。 16-17日) 。 To be with Christ, "in whom dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead," is to become so "complete" as to be above the rule of heavenly bodies, above the "tradition of men," above statutes regarding circumcision, meat and drink, holy days, new moon, and Sabbath, all of which are but "a shadow of the things to come"; it is to be dead to the world and all things of the earth, to mortify the members of the flesh, to "put off the old man" with his deeds and passions, and put on the new man who is ever renewed for the highest knowledge of God (gnosis), so that there is "neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free, but Christ is all and in all" (Col. ii. 9-iii. 11; comp. I Cor. v. 7: "Purge out therefore the old leaven, that ye may be a new lump").要与基督“ ,住在其中的所有fulness的神的源头, ”是为了变得如此“完整” ,以高于法治的天堂机构,上述“传统的男人, ”上述法规关于包皮环切术,肉类及饮料,圣天内,新发现的这颗卫星和安息日,所有这一切都是,但“阴影的东西来” ,这是要死亡的,向世界和一切事物的地球, mortify成员,肉中刺, “推迟岁男子, “他的事迹和激情,并提上了新好男人谁是以往任何时候都延续了最高的知识神(预后) ,所以有”既不是希腊也不是犹太人,割礼,也不uncircumcision ,野人, scythian ,债券,也没有免费的,但是基督是所有和在所有“ (上校二。 9 -三。 11 ;可比我肺心病。五,七: ”清除出来,因此,旧的酵母,叶可能是一个新的一笔“ ) 。

Conflict with Judaism and the Law.冲突与犹太教和法律。

Far then from making antagonism to the Law the starting-point of his apostolic activity, as under the influence of the Epistle to the Romans is assumed by almost all Christian theologians, except the so-called Dutch school of critics (see Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bibl." sv "Paul and Romans, Epistle to the"), there is intrinsic evidence that Paul's hostile attitude to both the Law and the Jews was the result of his conflicts with the latter and with the other apostles.到目前为止,然后从决策的对立,以法律的出发点,他使徒的活动,作为影响下的书信向罗马人所承担的是几乎所有的基督教神学家,除了那些所谓荷兰学校的批评(见进益及黑色, “ encyc 。 bibl 。 ” sv “保罗和罗马,书信向” ) ,有内在的证据表明,保罗的敌视态度,双方的法律和犹太人是由于他的冲突与后者,并与其他使徒。 There is no bitter hostility or antagonism to the Law noticeable in I Thessalonians (ii. 14b-16 is a late interpolation referring to the destruction of the Temple), Colossians, I Corinthians (xv. 56 is obviously interpolated), or II Corinthians (where iii. 6-iv. 4, on closer analysis, also proves to be a late addition disturbing the context); and so little opposition to the Law does Paul show in those epistles first addressed to the Gentiles, that in I Cor.是没有痛苦的敌意或对立,要依法明显在I帖撒罗尼迦( ii. 14b - 16是一个晚插指销毁庙) ,歌罗西书,我哥林多前书( xv. 56 ,显然是插值) ,或哥林多前书(凡三。六-四。 4 ,仔细分析,也证明是一个令人不安的后期,除了背景) ;和这么少,反对的法律是否显示保罗在这些书信首先给外邦人,即在I肺心病。 xiv.十四。 21 he quotes as the "law"-that is, Torah in the sense of Revelation-a passage from Isa. 21日,他的报价为“法” -即,诵读经文,在意识的启示-通过由伊萨。 xxviii.二十八。 11; whereas he avoids the term "law" (νόμος) elsewhere, declaring all statutes to be worthless human teaching (Col. ii. 22). 11 ,而他避免了“法律”一词( νόμος )在其他地方,宣布所有章程变得毫无价值人类教学(上校二22段) 。

Antinomianism and Jew-Hatred. antinomianism与犹太人-仇恨。

His antinomian theology is chiefly set forth in the Epistle to the Romans, many parts of which, however, are the product of the second-century Church with its fierce hatred of the Jew, eg, such passages as ii.他antinomian神学主要是阐述,在书信向罗马,许多部分,不过,该产品的第二个世纪的教会与激烈的仇恨犹太人,例如,如通道,为二。 21-24, charging the Jews with theft, adultery, sacrilege, and blasphemy, or ix. 21日至24日,收费犹太人与盗窃,通奸,亵渎,和亵渎,或九。 22 and xi. 22日和第十一。 28 (comp. iii. 2). 28 ( comp.三。 2 ) 。 The underlying motive of Paul-the tearing down of the partition-wall between Jew and Gentile-is best expressed in Eph.背后的动机,保罗-该拆除的分割墙之间的犹太人和詹蒂莱-是最好的表示,在弗。 ii.二。 14-22, where it is declared that the latter are no longer "gerim" and "toshabim" (AV "strangers" and "foreigners"), but "fellow citizens with the saints" of the Church and fully equal members "of the household of God." 14-22 ,在那里宣布,后者不再是“热林”和“ toshabim ” (著名的“陌生人”和“外国人” ) ,但“公民与圣人”的教会和完全平等的一员“的家庭上帝“ 。 In order to accomplish his purpose, he argues that just as little as the heathen escapes the wrath of God, owing to the horrible sins he is urged to commit by his clinging to his idols, so little can the Jew escape by his Law, because "the law worketh sin and wrath" (Rom. iv. 15).在为了完成他的目的,他认为,正如很少作为heathen逃离愤怒的上帝,由于可怕的捷联惯导系统,他呼吁承诺由他死抱着他的偶像,这么少的可以犹太人逃脱他的律师,因为“法律worketh单仲偕和愤怒” (罗马书四15 ) 。 Instead, indeed, of removing the germ of death brought into the world by Adam, the Law was given only to increase sin and to make all the greater the need of divine mercy which was to come through Christ, the new Adam (ib. v. 15-20).相反,事实上,除去胚芽死亡