New England Theology新英格兰神学

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New England Theology is the name given to a theological tradition arising from the work of Jonathan Edwards (1703 - 1758) and continuing well into the nineteenth century.新英格兰神学的名称是考虑到传统的神学思想建设工作产生的乔纳森爱德华兹( 1703 -1 758)及持续到十九世纪。 The tradition was not unified by a common set of beliefs, for in fact Edwards's nineteenth century heirs reversed his convictions on many important particulars.传统是不统一由一套共同的信念,事实上,爱德华兹的十九世纪的继承人扭转了他的信念在许多重要的细节。 It was rather united in its fascination for common issues, including the freedom of human will, the morality of divine justice, and the problem of causation behind the appearance of sin.这是美国而不是在它的魅力,为共同的问题,包括自由人的意志,道德神圣的正义,和问题的因果关系背后的出现,单仲偕。

Jonathan Edwards乔纳森爱德华兹

Edwards's theological labors grew out of his efforts to explain and defend the colonial Great Awakening as a real work of God.爱德华兹的神学劳动力的前身是他的努力,解释和维护殖民地的大觉醒,作为一个真正的上帝的工作。 In the process he provided an interpretation of Calvinism that influenced American religious life for over a century.在这个过程中,他提供了一个解释加尔文影响美国的宗教生活超过一个世纪。

Edwards's treatment in the Freedom of the Will (1754) presented Augustinian and Calvinistic ideas on the nature of humanity and of salvation in a powerful new shape.爱德华兹的治疗,在自由意志( 1754年)颁发奥古斯丁和calvinistic的意见的性质,人类和救赎,在一个强大的新形状。 His basic argument was that the "will" is not an entity, but an expression of the strongest motive in a person's character.他的基本论点是, “会”并不是一个实体,而是一个表达最强烈的动机,在一个人的性格。 He supported the thrust of this work with Original Sin (1758), in which he argued that all humankind was present in Adam when he sinned.他支持的重点,这项工作与原罪( 1758 ) ,其中他认为,所有人类的是目前在亚当当他罪。 Consequently, all people share the sinful character and the guilt which Adam brought upon himself.因此,所有的人分享罪孽深重的性质和是否有罪,其中亚当带来的自己。

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Earlier, in 1746, Edwards had explored the practical side of theology in Religious Affections (or emotions).此前,在1746年,爱德华兹曾探讨实际的一面,在宗教神学的情感(或情绪) 。 Here he argued that genuine Christianity is not revealed by the quantity or intensity of religious emotions.在这里他认为,真正的基督教,是不是显示的数量或强度的宗教感情。 Rather, true faith is manifest where a heart has been changed to love God and seek his pleasure.相反,真正的信仰是体现了一个心脏已变更为爱上帝,并寻求他的愉悦。 After his death Edwards's friends published The Nature of True Virtue (1765), which defined the good life as "love to Being in general."他去世后,爱德华兹的朋友发表的性质,真正的美德( 1765 ) ,其中界定了美好的生活,作为“爱到正处于一般” 。 By this he meant that true goodness characterized those actions which honored God as purest Being and other people as derivative beings made in the image of God.由这个,他的意思,真正的善的特点是那些行动荣幸上帝精纯的福祉和其他人作为衍生金融工具的人所取得的形象上帝。

Jonathan Edwards was overwhelmed by the majesty and the splendor of the divine.乔纳森爱德华兹被压倒,由国王陛下和辉煌的神。 The major themes of his theology were the greatness and glory of God, the utter dependence of sinful humanity upon God for salvation, and the supernal beauty of the life of holiness.主要的主题,他的神学人的伟大和神的荣耀,完全依赖罪孽深重的人类后,神的救恩,和supernal美丽的生活成圣。 Edwards was not only a fervent Christian person; he was also a theological genius unmatched in American history.爱德华兹不仅是热切基督教的人,他也是一个无与伦比的天才的神学在美国历史上。 Thus, it is little wonder that those who followed him were not successful in maintaining the fullness of his theology.因此,这是毫不奇怪,那些谁跟随他并不成功,在维持丰满他的神学。 What they did maintain was his revivalistic fervor, his concern for awakening, and his high moral seriousness.他们所做的维持是他revivalistic热情,他关心的觉醒,以及他崇高的道德的严重性。

The New Divinity新的神

The next phase of the New England theology was known as the "new divinity."下一阶段的新英格兰神学被称为“新神” 。 Its leading proponents were Joseph Bellamy (1719 - 90) and Samuel Hopkins (1721 - 1803), New England ministers who had studied with Edwards and had been his closest friends.其领先的倡议者约瑟夫贝拉米( 1719 -9 0)和塞缪尔霍普金斯( 1 721- 18 03),新英格兰部长谁曾研究与爱德华兹,并已他最亲密的朋友。 Much as Edwards had, Bellamy argued for the sovereignty of God in redemption and against the idea that humankind could save itself.高达爱德华兹,贝拉米主张的主权,上帝在赎回和反对的想法,人类可以节省本身。 He also developed Edwards's convictions that churches should allow none into membership who could not testify to a personal experience of God's grace.他还开发了爱德华兹的信念教会应该让没有到成员谁不能作证,以个人的经验,上帝的恩典。 Hopkins extended Edwards's discussion of virtue into a complete ethical system.霍普金斯延长爱德华兹的讨论美德,成为一个完整的道德体系。 He used the phrase "disinterested benevolence" to construct guidelines for practical ethics.他用“无私善”建设指导方针的实际道德。 Out of this thinking Hopkins developed a vigorous opposition to slavery as an institution which treated people in a way that was not fitting for their character as ones bearing the image of God.出于这一思想霍普金斯制定了严厉的反对奴隶制作为一个机构对待人民的方式是不适合他们的性格的轴承的形象,上帝。 Hopkins also maintained a heightened sense of God's sovereignty by insisting that people should be willing even "to be damned for the glory of God."霍普金斯也保持了高度的责任感上帝的主权,坚持人民应该愿意,甚至“被该死的,为神的荣耀” 。

With Bellamy and Hopkins occurred also the first modifications of Edwards's ideas.与贝拉米和霍普金斯发生的,也是第一次修改,爱德华兹的想法。 Bellamy propounded a "governmental" view of the atonement, the idea that God's sense of right and wrong demanded the sacrifice of Christ.贝拉米提出的“政府”的看法赎罪,思想上帝的意识,正确与错误的,要求牺牲基督的。 Edwards, by contrast, had maintained the traditional view that the death of Christ was necessary to take away God's anger at sin.爱德华兹,相反,一直保持传统的观点认为,死亡的基督有必要采取远离上帝的愤怒,单仲偕。 Hopkins, again in contrast to Edwards, was more concerned about eternal principles of duty, goodness, and justice than about personal confrontation with the divine.霍普金斯,再次形成对比的爱德华兹,更关心的永恒的原则,责任,善良和正义的比对个人的对抗与神圣。 He felt that a Calvinistic theologian should, and could, demonstrate how sin resulted in an overall advantage to the universe.他认为,一calvinistic神学家应该,而且可以,演示了如何单,导致整体优势,到宇宙。 He held that the human sinful nature arose as a product of the sinful acts which all people commit, rather than as a direct result of Adam's guilt.他认为,人类的罪恶性质是由于产品的罪孽深重的行为,所有的人承诺,而不是作为一个直接结果,亚当的罪恶感。 And Hopkins spoke of Christian duties more as legal necessities for the believer than as the natural outflow of a changed heart.和霍普金斯以基督教的职责,更是法律的必需品,为信徒比作为自然流出改变的心。

The Nineteenth Century十九世纪

Modificaions made in the New England theology by Hopkins and Bellamy were subtle ones. modificaions取得了在新英格兰神学由霍普金斯和贝拉米分别微妙。 Their successors moved more obviously beyond the teaching of Edwards.他们的继承人提出更为明显超出了教学的爱德华兹。 Timothy Dwight (1752 - 1817), Edwards's grandson and president of Yale College, took a broader view of human abilities in salvation and emphasized more the reasonable nature of the Christian faith.蒂莫西德怀特( 1752 -1 817) ,爱德华兹的孙子和总统,耶鲁大学,采取了更广泛的角度对人类能力的救赎,并强调更合理的性质,基督教信仰。 Jonathan Edwards, Jr. (1745 - 1801), who had studied with Joseph Bellamy, extended Bellamy's idea of a governmental atonement and also placed a stronger emphasis on the law of God for the Christian life.乔纳森爱德华兹,小( 1745 -一) ,谁曾研究与约瑟夫贝拉米,延长贝拉米的想法,一个政府赎罪,也放置了一个更加重视对法律的神的基督徒生活。 Both he and Dwight continued the general trend to view sin as an accumulation of actions rather than primarily a state of being issuing in evil deeds.他和德怀特续的总趋势,以查看单作为一个积累的行动,而非主要是一个国家被发出,在劣迹。

By the time Timothy Dwight's best student, Nathaniel W Taylor (1786 - 1858), assumed his position as professor of theology at Yale Divinity School in 1822, the movement from Edwards's specific convictions was very pronounced.由时间蒂莫西德怀特最好的学生,纳撒尼尔瓦特泰勒( 1786 -1 858) ,假定他的立场,作为教授神学在耶鲁大学神学院在1 822年,该运动从爱德华兹的具体定罪是非常突出。 Taylor's New Haven theology reversed the elder Edwards on freedom of the will by contending for a natural power of free choice.泰勒的新的避难所,神学,扭转了老爱德华兹对言论自由的意愿,由争夺一个自然的权力,自由选择。 And he brought to a culmination the teaching that sin lies in the exercise of sinful actions rather than in an underlying condition.和他带来的顶峰教学单仲偕认为,关键在行使罪孽深重的行动,而不是在一个基本条件。

The influence of the New England theology continued to be great throughout the nineteenth century.的影响,新英格兰神学继续成为伟大的整个十九世纪。 It set the tone for theological debate in New England and much of the rest of the country.它定下了基调,为神学辩论中,新英格兰和大部分的休息,该国。 Its questions dominated theological reflection at Yale until midcentury and at Andover Seminary even longer.其问题为主导的神学思想建设的思考在耶鲁,直到midcentury和andover神学院,甚至更长的时间。 Andover, founded in 1808 by Trinitarian Congregationalists, had brought together "moderate Calvinists" and the more rigid followers of Samuel Hopkins. andover ,成立于1808年由三位一体又称为“公理派” ,聚集了“温和的calvinists ”和更为僵化的追随者塞缪尔霍普金斯。 Its last great theologian who self - consciously regarded himself as an heir to Edwards was Edwards Amasa Park (1808 - 1900).其最后的伟大的神学家谁的自我-自觉地把自己作为一个王位继承人爱德华兹爱德华兹阿马萨公园( 1 808- 19 00)。 Park represented a moderate reaction to the theology of Taylor when he spoke up more strongly for God's sovereignty in salvation.公园为代表的温和反应,神学泰勒时,他谈到了更强烈地为上帝的主权在救赎。

Yet Park also held to a wide variety of nineteenth century assumptions about the capacities of human nature that distanced his thinking from Edwards.然而,公园还举办了各式各样的十九世纪有关的假设的能力,人类的性质,保持距离,他的思想,从爱德华兹。 Park proved too liberal for the nineteenth century champions of Calvinism at Presbyterian Princeton Seminary, who attacked his ideas as a sell - out of Calvinism to the optimistic spirit of the age.公园证明,过于自由为十九世纪冠军加尔文在长老普林斯顿神学院,谁攻击他的思想作为一个出售-走出加尔文,以乐观的时代精神。 For their part, the Princeton Calvinists, who also attacked Taylor and his like - minded colleagues for their deviations from Calvinism, could respect Edwards but were not able to fathom his sense of God's overmastering beauty.为他们的一部分,普林斯顿calvinists ,谁也袭击了泰勒和他一样-志同道合的同事为他们偏离了加尔文,可尊重的爱德华兹,但无法量度,他的意识,上帝的o vermastering美容。

The New England theology was at its best in careful, rigorous theological exposition.新英格兰神学是在其最好的审慎,严谨的神学思想建设的论述。 This strength sometimes turned into a weakness when it led to a dry, almost scholastic style of preaching.这种实力,有时变成一个弱点时,它导致了干,几乎是在学术上的作风,说教。 But with Edwards, Dwight, or Taylor, who did differ markedly among themselves on important questions, there remained a common ability to communicate a need for revival and ardent Christian living.但爱德华兹,德怀特,或泰勒,谁没有明显不同它们之间关于重要问题,仍然存在着一个共同的沟通能力,需要复苏和殷切希望,基督教的生活。

The changes in the content of the New England theology, and indeed its passing, had much to do with the character of the United States in the nineteenth century.的变化,内容新英格兰神学,而事实上它的通过,有很多事都与性质,美国在十九世纪。 A country convinced of the nearly limitless capabilities of individuals in the New World had increasingly less interest in a theology which had its origin in the all - encompassing power of God.一个国家信服的几乎是无限的能力,个人在新的世界已越来越少的利益,在神学,其中有其原产地,在所有人-包括上帝的力量。 It is significant that when twentieth century theologians like H Richard Niebuhr and Joseph Haroutunian rediscovered the New England theology, they returned to its fount, Edwards, as the source of its most valuable and enduring insights.重要的是,当二十世纪的神学家一样, h理查德尼布尔和约瑟夫haroutunian发现,新英格兰神学,他们返回其源头,爱德华兹,作为来源,其最宝贵的和持久的见解。

Mark A Noll马克一精灵

(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary) ( elwell福音事工促进会,字典)

Bibliography 参考书目
JA Conforti, Samuel Hopkins and the New Divinity Movement; FH Foster, A Genetic History of the New England Theology; J Haroutunian, Piety Versus Moralism: The Passing of the New England Theology; HR Niebuhr, The Kingdom of God in America; BB Warfield, "Edwards and the New England Theology," in The Works of Benjamin B Warfield, Vol.司法机构政务长conforti ,塞缪尔霍普金斯和新的神的运动;跳频培养,遗传的历史新英格兰神学; j haroutunian ,虔诚银两道德主义:通过新英格兰神学;人力资源尼布尔,上帝的王国在美国; BB心跳沃菲尔德“爱德华兹和新英格兰神学, ”在工程本杰明b沃菲尔德,第一卷。 IX: Studies in Theology; AC Cecil, The Theological Development of Edwards Amasa Park.第九:研究在神学;交流塞西尔,神学思想建设的发展,爱德华兹阿马萨公园。


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